Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization
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the European democratic formation of will a matter of the transfer of the nationstate<br />
formation of will to European politics through the governments of the member<br />
states (Kirchhof 1994). The decisive place for this operation is the Council of<br />
Ministers. A nation-state related variation of this model hopes to obtain more<br />
European democracy from the stronger tying of national governments to their<br />
national parliaments as far as European politics is concerned (Lepsius 1991).<br />
All these models start from the illusion that politics can be focused on decisive<br />
places <strong>and</strong> gains its legitimation from a representative-democratic formation of<br />
will, whether it is at a European or a national level. In future, however, this will be<br />
less <strong>and</strong> less possible, at either level. The search for a European public, a European<br />
party system, a European system of associations <strong>and</strong> a European neo-corporatist<br />
cooperation of a European state <strong>and</strong> representative large associations will fail<br />
due to the overly simple transfer of an obsolete model of nation-state representative<br />
democracy to European politics. Also, the search for an adequate integration<br />
of the nation-state formation of will into European politics in models of a confederation<br />
of states or nationality states adheres too much to the declining era of<br />
the nation-state representative democracy. Neither model – the federal state or the<br />
confederation of states <strong>and</strong>/or nationality state – sufficiently takes into account<br />
the fact that Europe will not take the form of a nation <strong>and</strong> will be increasingly less<br />
composed of nations. Europe will, instead, become a considerably more varied<br />
structure of local communities, of more or less strong regions, ever more fading<br />
remainders of nations <strong>and</strong> a wealth of horizontally arranged groups of interests,<br />
but, above all, of self-responsibly acting individuals. There will not be one central<br />
place for politics <strong>and</strong> no central public, but many places <strong>and</strong> partial publics. Under<br />
such structural terms, European politics can no longer find its legitimation in<br />
obsolete forms of a democratic formation of will. The resource of its legitimation<br />
will, instead, be its division into levels <strong>and</strong> arenas, its openness to participation, its<br />
unfinished character, its revisability, <strong>and</strong> its capability to correct mistakes<br />
permanently (Münch et al. 2001).<br />
Notes<br />
1 Council Directive 89/391/EEC of 12 June 1989 on the introduction of measures to<br />
encourage improvements in the safety <strong>and</strong> health of workers at work, Official Journal L<br />
183, 29/06/1989, p. 1–8.<br />
2 Directive 96/71/EC of the European Parliament <strong>and</strong> of the Council of 16 December<br />
1996 concerning the posting of workers in the framework of the provision of services,<br />
Official Journal L 018, 21/01/1997, p 1–6.<br />
References<br />
Democracy without demos 79<br />
Behrens, P. (1994) ‘Die Wirtschaftsverfassung der Europäischen Gemeinschaft’, in<br />
G. Brüggemeier (ed.) Verfassungen für ein ziviles Europa, Baden-Baden: Nomos.<br />
Betz, H.-G. (1994) Radical Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe, New York: St Martin’s<br />
Press.<br />
Bogd<strong>and</strong>y, A. von, (1999) ‘Die Europäische Union als supranationale Föderation’,<br />
Integration 2: 95–112.