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Europeanisation, National Identities and Migration ... - europeanization

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Russian perspectives 163<br />

In this context, in which Russian <strong>and</strong> socialist historical narrations merged, the<br />

Second World War redefined German–Russian perceptions <strong>and</strong> with them Russian<br />

self-definitions.<br />

Outside the Soviet Union, in Eastern <strong>and</strong> Central Europe, the German invasions<br />

<strong>and</strong> the German atrocities were experienced as a terrible disaster. The German<br />

nation which had committed these crimes had to be punished. <strong>National</strong> history was<br />

seen as a national catastrophe in each country, although the Holocaust was not<br />

central to public memory, the fact that Nazi Germany had lost the war was not<br />

a reason for triumph since the losses had been terrible. Victory was the just end<br />

of a period of horror.<br />

In East Germany, the history of the Second World War was told in a slightly<br />

different way. Here, Nazi atrocities were seen as committed primarily on<br />

communists <strong>and</strong> democrats; the East European peoples being the second group<br />

of victims, the Holocaust not central to public memory. In consequence, according<br />

to official GDR history writing, the perpetrators were not the Germans but the<br />

Fascists. The good Germans were victims of the bad Germans as had been all<br />

the others. Since the German Democratic Republic was the state of the good<br />

Germans inheriting the democratic <strong>and</strong> socialist traditions of that country, East<br />

Germany had not lost the war in 1945, it had been liberated by the Soviet Union<br />

(Fulbrook 1992: 221–43, 291–317).<br />

The same history had a different plot in the Soviet Union. Nazi Germany was a<br />

terrible <strong>and</strong> ruthless enemy which had attacked an unsuspecting <strong>and</strong> peaceful Soviet<br />

Union that had concentrated on its efforts on building a Socialist society. With these<br />

actions, Germany was the incarnation of historical evil, <strong>and</strong> its fascism was the<br />

culmination of the fight of reactionary capitalist forces against the bright hopes<br />

of humankind (Felice 1995: 51–81). The strength, the cunning, <strong>and</strong> the cruelty of<br />

the Germans represented the old spirit which fought its last battle against socialist<br />

revolution.<br />

There was a slightly different version which was told during the war <strong>and</strong> which<br />

far better fitted into national Russian history telling. It was the story of the eternal<br />

battle of a cruel, greedy <strong>and</strong> decadent West against a hopeful, valiant <strong>and</strong> honest<br />

East as shown in Eisenstein’s film ‘Aleks<strong>and</strong>er Nevskyi’. The Russian victory over<br />

the German knights was one of brave humans against the forces of evil. The people<br />

of Novgorod who dismantled its corrupt democratic institutions in order to submit<br />

to the stern but benevolent autocratic rule of Aleks<strong>and</strong>er were the same Russian<br />

people who put their fate into the strong h<strong>and</strong>s of Stalin.<br />

Therefore, Soviet victory over Nazi Germany signified the triumph of the<br />

historical hopes of mankind over the forces of evil – a decisive step in world history.<br />

The ruthlessness <strong>and</strong> cruelty of the Germans or the Fascists, their terrible <strong>and</strong> evil<br />

power, was needed in order to demonstrate the greatness of the Soviet victory.<br />

Hence, the history of the ‘Great Patriotic War’ did not simply consist in terror<br />

<strong>and</strong> destruction but in terror <strong>and</strong> destruction followed by triumph. After the war,<br />

this definition of history was celebrated in innumerable monuments all over the<br />

Soviet Union. The symbolism of two events may illustrate this meaning: the battle<br />

of Stalingrad <strong>and</strong> the final conquest of Berlin (Glantz <strong>and</strong> House 1995: 129–78;<br />

Overy 1998).

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