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Undercover Armies - CIA FOIA - Central Intelligence Agency

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C05303949<br />

Chapter Twenty-two<br />

first enjoying both sanctuary on its own territory and immunity in Laos, Hanoi<br />

remained free to choose the level of engagement that served its strtegt purposes,<br />

the primary of which was the annexation of South Vietnam.<br />

Laos played a relatively minor role in Hanoi's calculations until the 1964<br />

decision to deploy NVA units into South Vietnam, and to expand Laotian lines<br />

of communication in order to infiltrate and supply them. Up to that point, <strong>CIA</strong><br />

and Vang Pao had been able to concentrate on expanding and consolidating<br />

guerrilla forces in the mountains, challenging Pathet Lao and North Vietnamese<br />

influence over the hill tribes. Then, in 1965, the Johnson administration<br />

sent ground forces to save a prostrate Saigon government. With the Ho Chi<br />

Minh Trail now the main conduit for NVA men and materiel, Washington<br />

began to treat Laos in general-and the Hmong in particular-as instruments<br />

of its program in Vietnam.D .<br />

Even then, the United States never treated the Hmong as mere pawns, thrust<br />

into battle to serve American interests in Vietnam. If any of the Laotian irregulars<br />

could fairly be called mercenaries, they were the battalions raised in the<br />

Panhandle for use 'against the Ho Chi Minh Trail,' a target of little interest to<br />

the RLG. In the north, Vang Pao always remained at least an equal partner in<br />

tactical planning, and he inspired the most ambitious and least successful<br />

campaigns, sometimes over his advisers' objections. But it is difficult not to<br />

agree with Bill Nelson; who wrote more than a year before the 1973 cease-fire<br />

that, in the end, the Hmong would have been less badly off had they never<br />

chosen to cast their lot with the United States. 29 D<br />

To most of the <strong>CIA</strong> people involved, abandoning the Hmong in the aftermath<br />

of defeat had been simply unimaginable. A few, however, seem to have<br />

feared such an outcome. Bill Lair recalled having wanted to preserve a leading<br />

role fori ' loutof fear that the United States would eventually<br />

weary of its commitment in Indochina. Andl<br />

remembered' Bill<br />

Colby's strictures to the same effect. In their view, if the program's survival<br />

depended on American-style communications and logistics-and especially<br />

on massive air support-US withdrawal would bring on total collapse.<br />

Accordingly, they believed that a more modest, defensively oriented guerrilla<br />

effort,I<br />

Istood a better chance of<br />

discouraging Hanoi from investing the Hmong's highlands after the United<br />

States departed. 0 '<br />

3<br />

29 Blaufarb's study echoes Nelson's sentimentII<br />

30 The prospects for a postwar resistance crumbled with YangPao's departure. Early <strong>CIA</strong> associates<br />

like Lair andl<br />

Isaw the general as having, over the years, been seduced by highlevel<br />

Washington attention into thinking of himself more as military commander than as tribal<br />

leader. Observers holding this oQinion tended to see him as having abandoned his people when he<br />

fled Long Tieng in May 1975.0<br />

SErLVTllMR<br />

'1~4

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