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In Search of Enemies - A CIA Story - John Stockwell

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Propaganda and Politics [201]<br />

see Mobutu. There would be no record. Chiefs <strong>of</strong> station are supposed<br />

to have an instinct for such things.<br />

Like magic, Germani was expelled from Kinshasa on November<br />

22. Without any cables or memoranda being written at headquarters,<br />

the string was pulled, the problem solved, and there was nothing in<br />

<strong>CIA</strong> records prove how it had happened.•<br />

<strong>In</strong>creasingly, the propaganda war became uphill work. On September<br />

10, when the FNLA retreated from Caxito the second time,<br />

it left behind crates <strong>of</strong> munitions which bore fresh U.S. Air Force<br />

*This is the way the ouster <strong>of</strong> Nkrumah was handled in Ghana, 1966. The 40<br />

Committee had met and rejected an agency proposal to oust Nkrumah. The Accra<br />

station was nevertheless encouraged by headquarters to maintain contact with<br />

dissidents <strong>of</strong> the Ohanian army for the purpose <strong>of</strong> gathering intelligence on their<br />

activities. It was given a generous budget, and maintained intimate contact with the<br />

plotters as a coup was hatched. So close was the station's involvement that it was<br />

able to coordinate the recovery <strong>of</strong> some classified Soviet military equipment by the<br />

United States as the coup took place. The station even proposed to headquarters<br />

through back channels that a squad be on hand at the moment <strong>of</strong> the coup to storm<br />

the Chinese embassy, kill everyone inside, steal their secret records, and blow up<br />

the building to cover the fact. This proposal was quashed, but inside <strong>CIA</strong> headquarters<br />

the Accra station was given full, if un<strong>of</strong>ficial credit for the eventual coup, in<br />

which eight Soviet advisors were killed. None <strong>of</strong> this was adequately reflected in the<br />

agency's written records.<br />

This technique has worked for the agency in many other situations. Perhaps an<br />

irritating politician in a far comer <strong>of</strong> the world is magically eliminated, while the<br />

<strong>CIA</strong> records show no evidence <strong>of</strong> involvement in the crime. When done skillfully<br />

it is also the key to the individual case <strong>of</strong>ficer's rationalization <strong>of</strong> his conduct, his<br />

.. plausible denial" to his own conscience, as though he were not responsible. He can<br />

say, "We talked about the problem Germani was causing (or Lumumba, Trujillo,<br />

Schneider, et al.). but it never even occurred to me to suggest that anything be done<br />

about it . ., This is my own theory <strong>of</strong> what really happened in the assassination <strong>of</strong><br />

Lumumba. The <strong>CIA</strong> plotted to poison him, but lost its nerve. The now-public record<br />

shows that <strong>CIA</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficers discussed the Lumumba threat with other Congolese politicians.<br />

They did the rest.<br />

But <strong>of</strong> course the case <strong>of</strong>ficers are responsible; the things wouldn't have been done<br />

if they had not been there, setting the stage. For example, in Vietnam I inherited<br />

an operational relationship with a sadistic police <strong>of</strong>ficer, who occasionally mutilated<br />

prisoners in a <strong>CIA</strong> safehouse called the .. Pink House." The police <strong>of</strong>ficer was heavily<br />

funded by the <strong>CIA</strong>, which vouched for him to his superiors in Saigon- without this<br />

support he would not have held his post. But a succession <strong>of</strong> <strong>CIA</strong> case <strong>of</strong>ficers had<br />

absolved themselves <strong>of</strong> responsibility for his sadistic orgies by rationalizing that they<br />

were only supporting him for his intelligence activities and were not responsible for<br />

his other actions.

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