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In Search of Enemies - A CIA Story - John Stockwell

In Search of Enemies - A CIA Story - John Stockwell

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Postscript<br />

never secret for long. <strong>In</strong>evitably they are exposed, by our press, by<br />

whistleblowers in our government, by our healthy compulsion to<br />

know the truth. Covert operations are incompatible with our system<br />

<strong>of</strong> government and we do them badly. Nevertheless, a succession <strong>of</strong><br />

presidents and Henry Kissingers have been lured into questionable<br />

adventures for which, they are promised by the <strong>CIA</strong>, they will never<br />

be held accountable. Generally they are not, they move on to sinecures<br />

before the operations are fully exposed. Our country is left to<br />

face the consequences.<br />

Claiming to be our Horatio at the shadowy bridges <strong>of</strong> the international<br />

underworld, the <strong>CIA</strong> maintains three thousand staff operatives<br />

overseas. Approximately equal to the State Department in numbers<br />

<strong>of</strong> staff employees overseas, the <strong>CIA</strong> extends its influence by<br />

hiring dozens <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> paid agents. Operationally its case<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficers "publish or perish"-an <strong>of</strong>ficer who does not generate operations<br />

does not get promoted. The <strong>of</strong>ficers energetically go about<br />

seeking opportunities to defend our national security.<br />

The <strong>CIA</strong>'s function is to provide the aggressive option in foreign<br />

affairs. The 40 Committee papers for the Angolan operation, written<br />

by the <strong>CIA</strong> did not list a peaceful option, although the State Department<br />

African Affairs Bureau and the U.S. consul general in Luanda<br />

had firmly recommended noninvolvement. <strong>In</strong> 1959 the <strong>CIA</strong> did not<br />

recommend to President Eisenhower that we befriend Fidel Castro<br />

and learn to live with him in Cuba. No, it presented the violent<br />

option, noting that it had the essential ingredients for a covert action:<br />

angry Cuban exiles, a haven in Guatemala, a beach in the Bay <strong>of</strong><br />

Pigs, intelligence (later proven inaccurate) that the people <strong>of</strong> Cuba<br />

would rise up in support <strong>of</strong> an invasion. Presidents Eisenhower and<br />

Kennedy were persuaded. The operation was run, and it was bungled.<br />

Today we are still haunted by it.<br />

At the end <strong>of</strong> World War II, we were militarily dominant,<br />

economically dominant, and we enjoyed a remarkable international<br />

credibility. With a modicum <strong>of</strong> restraint and self-confidence we could<br />

have laid the foundations <strong>of</strong> lasting world peace. <strong>In</strong>stead, we panicked,<br />

exaggerating the challenge <strong>of</strong> a Soviet Union which had just<br />

lost 70,000 villages, 1, 710 towns, 4. 7 million houses, and 20 million<br />

people in the war. *We set its dread KGB as a model for our own<br />

•Daniel Yergin, Shattered Peace (Boston: Houghton Miffiin, 1977) p. 64.

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