In Search of Enemies - A CIA Story - John Stockwell
In Search of Enemies - A CIA Story - John Stockwell
In Search of Enemies - A CIA Story - John Stockwell
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The Angola Program [49]<br />
later wrote an intelligence report about the camp, which headquarters<br />
reports <strong>of</strong>ficers refused to disseminate to the intelligence users<br />
in Washington. The chief <strong>of</strong> station, Kinshasa, sent me a note in the<br />
classified pouch advising that the agency wasn't interested in Angolan<br />
revolutionary movements, and that my visit was unfortunate<br />
because it could have been misconstrued. We didn't support the<br />
black fighters and we didn't want our NATO ally, Portugal, picking<br />
up reports that we were visiting Angolan rebel base camps.<br />
Since then I had casually monitored our Angolan policy, which<br />
was unchanged as late as 1974. It is part <strong>of</strong> the business to keep an<br />
eye on your areas <strong>of</strong> special interest. You do it casually, instinctively,<br />
over c<strong>of</strong>fee with friends, or when you pass in the halls: "Whafs the<br />
hurry? . .. Oh? ... What's Roberto up to these days? . . . Why hasn't<br />
anyone ever gotten us a line into the other group, the MPLA?"<br />
For many years the Portuguese had claimed exemplary success in<br />
assimilating blacks into a colonial society which was allegedly free<br />
<strong>of</strong> racial barriers. Until 1974 they appeared to believe they enjoyed<br />
a permanent relationship with their colonies.<br />
<strong>In</strong> the cJandestine services <strong>of</strong> the <strong>CIA</strong>, we were inclined to accept<br />
the Portuguese claims <strong>of</strong> a racially open-minded society in Angola,<br />
and it was tacitly agreed that communist agitation was largely responsible<br />
for the blacks' continued resistance to Portuguese rule. The<br />
reason was basic. Essentially a conservative organization, the <strong>CIA</strong><br />
maintains secret liaison with local security services wherever it operates.<br />
Its stations are universally part <strong>of</strong> the <strong>of</strong>ficial communities <strong>of</strong><br />
the host countries. Case <strong>of</strong>ficers live comfortable lives among the<br />
economic elite; even "outside" or "deep cover" case <strong>of</strong>ficers are part<br />
<strong>of</strong> that elite. They become conditioned to the mentality <strong>of</strong> the authoritarian<br />
figures, the police chiefs, with whom they work and socialize,<br />
and eventually share their resentment <strong>of</strong> revolutionaries who<br />
threaten the status quo. They are ill at ease with democracies and<br />
popular movements-too fickle and hard to predict.<br />
Thus <strong>CIA</strong> case <strong>of</strong>ficers sympathized with the whites <strong>of</strong> South<br />
Africa, brushing aside evidence <strong>of</strong> oppression with shallow cliches<br />
such as, "The only reason anyone gets upset about South Africa is<br />
because whites are controlling blacks. If blacks murder blacks in<br />
Uganda, nobody cares .. . " and "The blacks in South Africa are<br />
better <strong>of</strong>f than blacks anywhere else in Africa, better schools, better<br />
jobs, better hospitals . . . "<br />
About Angola we commonly declared, "The Portuguese have