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States of Emergency - Centre for Policy Alternatives

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the problem <strong>of</strong> deLinition plagues this approach with the result<br />

that the purported advantage <strong>of</strong> legally regulating the availability<br />

and extent <strong>of</strong> emergency power is nulliLied. The substantial<br />

ambiguity and overlap between categories result in the use <strong>of</strong><br />

terms “…that makes the choice…mostly a political issue.” 99 This is<br />

clearly visible in the Portuguese scheme mentioned above.<br />

Furthermore, creating a ‘sliding scale <strong>of</strong> emergency regimes’ may<br />

encourage governments to resort more readily to some states <strong>of</strong><br />

emergency, because the perception that they are ‘not so serious’<br />

make them “…more readily accepted by legislatures, courts and<br />

the general public.” 100 The danger <strong>of</strong> this is that, “This can also act<br />

to condition people to live with some type <strong>of</strong> emergency. Once<br />

some kind <strong>of</strong> emergency regime becomes accepted as the normal<br />

way <strong>of</strong> life, it will be easier <strong>for</strong> government to ‘upgrade’ to a<br />

higher‐level emergency regime.” 101<br />

3.1.2
Declaration,
Extension
and
Termination<br />

One <strong>of</strong> the most important lessons <strong>of</strong> the Roman model is its<br />

framework <strong>for</strong> the declaration, operation and termination <strong>of</strong> a<br />

state <strong>of</strong> emergency, in particular the functional separation<br />

between institutional actors who declare the state <strong>of</strong> emergency,<br />

and those who exercise power under it. 102<br />

99<br />

Ibid<br />

100<br />

Ibid, pp.45‐46<br />

101<br />

Ibid, p.46<br />

102<br />

Clinton Rossiter (1948) Constitutional
Dictatorship:
Crisis
<br />

Government
in
Modern
Democracies
(Princeton: Princeton UP): pp.<br />

297‐306<br />

74

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