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States of Emergency - Centre for Policy Alternatives

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so wide, that other institutional actors (such as Parliament)<br />

recede in importance. In a context <strong>of</strong> nearly non‐existent<br />

parliamentary scrutiny <strong>of</strong> statutory instruments, and a generally<br />

deferential judiciary especially in respect <strong>of</strong> emergency<br />

regulations, the possibility <strong>of</strong> executive subversion <strong>of</strong> fundamental<br />

rights and the rule <strong>of</strong> law is never far away. 134<br />

Finally, it should be noted that one <strong>of</strong> the Lirst casualties <strong>of</strong> a state<br />

<strong>of</strong> emergency in federal countries and devolved polities is the<br />

principle <strong>of</strong> regional autonomy. Emergencies open the Lloodgates<br />

<strong>of</strong> centralisation, as <strong>for</strong> example the constitutional experience <strong>of</strong><br />

the United <strong>States</strong> has shown. The administrations <strong>of</strong> President<br />

Lincoln in a state <strong>of</strong> war, 135 and President Roosevelt in a time a<br />

severe economic crisis followed by global war, 136 left behind<br />

precedents <strong>of</strong> centralisation and pre‐eminence <strong>of</strong> the executive<br />

branch that have had an enduring impact on the constitutional<br />

evolution <strong>of</strong> that country. Even the very different federal<br />

constitutional culture and practice in Canada and Australia<br />

134<br />

Ibid<br />

135<br />

Daniel Farber (2003) Lincoln’s
Constitution:
The
Nation,
the
<br />

President,
and
the
Courts
in
a
Time
<strong>of</strong>
Crisis
(Chicago: Chicago UP)<br />

136<br />

Edward S. Corwin (1947) Total
War
and
the
Constitution
(New York:<br />

Knopf): pp.35‐37<br />

85

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