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Human Development in India - NCAER

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198 human development <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>diadist<strong>in</strong>ction between below poverty l<strong>in</strong>e (BPL) and abovepoverty l<strong>in</strong>e (APL) cards. Wealthier households are simplynot <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ferior gra<strong>in</strong>s provided by the PDSshops and prefer to shop <strong>in</strong> the less subsidized privatemarket, where they f<strong>in</strong>d adequate supplies of good qualitygra<strong>in</strong>s. Thus, the IHDS results below show that as wealth<strong>in</strong>creases, even BPL cardholders purchase more of their gra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong> the private market.THE PDSOf all the safety net operations, the most far reach<strong>in</strong>g is thePDS. The PDS provides basic items such as rice, wheat, sugar,and non-food items such as kerosene <strong>in</strong> rationed amounts atbelow market prices. The programmes orig<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>in</strong> the earlyperiod after Independence, when food shortages requiredlarge imports of food under the PL-480 grants from theUnited States. A large network of PDS shops, also known asFair Price Shops (FPSs), was established. Local traders wereenrolled as owners, and households were issued a PDS cardwith monthly per capita entitlements of food staples. Theprogramme cont<strong>in</strong>ued with <strong>in</strong>digenous public resources evenafter the PL-480 programme ceased to exist, when <strong>India</strong>’sfood production improved. The network of 4.76 lakh FPSsnow distributes commodities worth Rs 25,000 cr annually toa large proportion of households across all parts of <strong>India</strong>.The PDS has changed both qualitatively and quantitativelys<strong>in</strong>ce the 1970s. At first, the PDS was conf<strong>in</strong>ed tourban areas and regions with food deficits. The ma<strong>in</strong> emphasiswas on price stabilization. Private trade was consideredexploitative and the PDS was considered a countervail<strong>in</strong>gpower to private trade.S<strong>in</strong>ce the early 1980s, the welfare role of the PDS hasga<strong>in</strong>ed importance. Nevertheless, <strong>in</strong> recent times, the PDSwas widely criticized, for its failure to reach those liv<strong>in</strong>g belowthe poverty l<strong>in</strong>e, for whom the programme was <strong>in</strong>tended.Although rural areas were covered <strong>in</strong> many states <strong>in</strong> the 1980s,the PDS had an urban bias and large regional <strong>in</strong>equalities <strong>in</strong>its operation. An effort was made, therefore, to streaml<strong>in</strong>ethe PDS by <strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>g the Targeted Public DistributionSystem (TPDS) <strong>in</strong> June 1997. The objective was to help verypoor families buy food gra<strong>in</strong>s at a reasonably low cost sothat they would improve their nutrition standards and atta<strong>in</strong>food security. The new system follows a two-tier subsidizedpric<strong>in</strong>g structure, one for BPL families , and another for APLfamilies. The Union Budget 2000–1 announced a monthlyallocation of 25 kg of food gra<strong>in</strong>s to about 60 million BPLfamilies under the TPDS. The issue price of food gra<strong>in</strong>s forBPL families is fixed at 50 per cent of the economic costthat the APL families pay, and all prices are revised by theFood Corporation of <strong>India</strong> (FCI) from time to time. Thetotal food subsidy (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g programmes other than PDS)has significantly <strong>in</strong>creased <strong>in</strong> real terms over the years.In order to target the TPDS more towards the poor, theAntyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) was launched <strong>in</strong> December2000. This scheme sought to identify the ten million poorestof the BPL families and provide them each with 25 kg offood gra<strong>in</strong>s per month at a fixed price of Rs 2 per kg forwheat, and Rs 3 per kg for rice.Distribution of PDS CardsThe IHDS f<strong>in</strong>ds that 83 per cent of households have a PDSration card, 85 per cent <strong>in</strong> rural areas and 79 per cent <strong>in</strong>towns and cities (see Table A.13.1). 1 The most commonreasons cited by respondents for not hav<strong>in</strong>g a PDS card arebureaucratic difficulties (43 per cent), the household hasmoved but the card has not been transferred (10 per cent), aPDS card is not needed (9 per cent), it was lost (8 per cent),and a residual, other reasons (30 per cent). Comparisons ofdifferent types of households confirm some of these reasons.For example, 45 per cent of households who have movedwith<strong>in</strong> the past ten years lack a PDS card, compared withonly 15 per cent of households who have lived <strong>in</strong> their placesfor at least 20 years. Statewise differences are aga<strong>in</strong> large.Low take-up is especially common <strong>in</strong> new, and more <strong>in</strong>accessible,states (for example, 31per cent of households <strong>in</strong>Chhattisgarh and 38 per cent <strong>in</strong> Jharkhand lack PDS cards)and <strong>in</strong> poor states (for example, 33 per cent <strong>in</strong> Bihar), corroborat<strong>in</strong>gthe importance of adm<strong>in</strong>istrative difficulties <strong>in</strong>issu<strong>in</strong>g ration cards. The issu<strong>in</strong>g of cards is closer to 100per cent <strong>in</strong> Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Kerala.However, high <strong>in</strong>come households, who have less of a needfor a PDS card, actually have slightly higher rates of hav<strong>in</strong>ga PDS card than the lowest <strong>in</strong>come households. Younghouseholds are especially unlikely to have a ration card.Almost one-third (33 per cent) of households lack PDS cardswhen the oldest man is <strong>in</strong> his twenties, compared to only10 per cent of households when the oldest man is 60 or older.Caste and religious differences, however, are small.Of those with a card, 40 per cent have a BPL card andanother 3 per cent have an Antyodaya card. The more usefulBPL and Antyodaya cards are more common <strong>in</strong> rural areas(49 per cent) than <strong>in</strong> towns and cities (28 per cent) 2 but thisis almost entirely a function of greater rural poverty. Incomeis, not surpris<strong>in</strong>gly, the best predictor of hold<strong>in</strong>g a BPL or1The IHDS estimates are higher than the NSS estimates (81 per cent rural and 67 per cent urban) perhaps <strong>in</strong> part because of households’ reluctanceto report to a government survey that they have an <strong>in</strong>appropriate BPL card, or even their expectations of acquir<strong>in</strong>g a new one (NSSO 2005c).2These IHDS estimates are also higher than NSS estimates of 36 per cent for rural areas and 18 per cent for urban areas, probably reasons similar tothose noted <strong>in</strong> footnote 1. However, the IHDS and the NSS rank states similarly on BPL card ownership, so the associations reported here are likely to berobust to survey methodology.

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