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Human Development in India - NCAER

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appendix ii 227will often require that we look jo<strong>in</strong>tly at residence and socioeconomicposition <strong>in</strong> the chapters that follow to sort outwhich aspects of human development are specifically relatedto urbanization and which are a result of greater affluence andeducation. Urban areas also differ on their caste and religiouscomposition. Forward castes and m<strong>in</strong>ority religions areespecially concentrated <strong>in</strong> urban areas. Dalits and, especially,Adivasis are more rural.IncomeThe IHDS is one of the first major <strong>India</strong>n survey to measuredetailed <strong>in</strong>come. The NSS measures consumption expendituresand the NFHS measures the ownership of consumergoods. The IHDS measured these too. Each provides asomewhat different aspect of economic position, but isclosely related. The details of their measurement and their<strong>in</strong>ter-relationships are described <strong>in</strong> Chapters 2 and 5. TheIHDS measure of <strong>in</strong>come is summed across over 50 separatecomponents <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g wages and salaries, net farm <strong>in</strong>come,family bus<strong>in</strong>ess net <strong>in</strong>come, property, and pension <strong>in</strong>comes.The average <strong>India</strong>n household had an annual <strong>in</strong>come ofRs 27,857 <strong>in</strong> 2004. But because some households earnedmuch more than this median, the mean was Rs 47,804. Forall tables, households are divided <strong>in</strong>to five qu<strong>in</strong>tiles withcutt<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>ts at 14,000, 22,950, 36,098, and 69,000. Asmall number of households (2 per cent) reported negativeor very low <strong>in</strong>comes because of agricultural or bus<strong>in</strong>esslosses. Although these households are undergo<strong>in</strong>g currenteconomic distress, <strong>in</strong> many other ways (for example,consumer goods owned, educational levels, and so on) theyappear more like moderate <strong>in</strong>come households rather thanpoor households <strong>in</strong> the bottom qu<strong>in</strong>tile. They have, therefore,been excluded from the <strong>in</strong>come tables, but are <strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong>other analyses.The <strong>in</strong>come qu<strong>in</strong>tiles used throughout these reportsdo not vary across urban and rural areas, or across states,and, consequently, they do not adjust for price differences.Urban–rural price differences can be as large as 15 per cent.Household EducationMany of the human development outcomes described <strong>in</strong> theprevious chapters benefit the entire household. An <strong>in</strong>doorwater tap, access to nearby medical cl<strong>in</strong>ics, and connectionsto government officials are resources the entire household cantake advantage of. To see how these advantages are related toeducational levels, the tables use a measure of the highestadult (that is, age 21 or older) education <strong>in</strong> the household,when appropriate. 4 The same school<strong>in</strong>g categories are usedas for <strong>in</strong>dividual education, but the distribution is higher.Only a quarter of <strong>India</strong>n households have no adult withoutany formal education, but 37 per cent have an adult who hasmatriculated, 10th Standard, or gone further. At the top, 13per cent of households have an adult with a college degree.This measure of household education is associated with thesame advantages as <strong>in</strong>dividual education. Urban residence,higher <strong>in</strong>comes, and forward castes are more common<strong>in</strong> well educated households. Note that the householdeducational atta<strong>in</strong>ment is greater than the <strong>in</strong>dividual ones<strong>in</strong>ce household level education is based on highest educationfor any household member.Social GroupsPerhaps no other country <strong>in</strong> the world offers such a richdiversity of religions, castes, ethnic, and l<strong>in</strong>guistic identities,as it is found <strong>in</strong> <strong>India</strong>. Any useable group<strong>in</strong>g for a reviewof human development is bound to ignore importantdist<strong>in</strong>ctions that the people themselves would never overlook.The tables here follow a six-fold classification:1. Forward Castes2. Other Backward Castes (OBC)3. Dalits (Scheduled Castes)4. Adivasis (Scheduled Tribes)5. Muslims6. Other M<strong>in</strong>ority Religions (Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists,Ja<strong>in</strong>s)The obvious question for such a scheme is where one classifiesMuslim OBCs, Christian Adivasis, Sikh Dalits, and othergroups, that easily fit more than one category. Muslim OBCsdiffer from H<strong>in</strong>du OBCs and from other Muslims on mosthuman development outcomes, and, likewise, for ChristianAdivasis, Sikh Dalits, and other groups. Independentreligion and caste classifications would avoid these ambiguities,but would create too many categories for the compactpresentation needed here. The compromise result is this sixcategory scheme described <strong>in</strong> Figure AII.1. More detailedclassifications are available from the public data for analystsrequir<strong>in</strong>g more precision. Our construction of socio-religiouscategories has two major implications that must be kept <strong>in</strong>m<strong>in</strong>d. First, 2,014 Muslim families, who classify themselvesas OBCs form about 4.6 per cent of the total population,are <strong>in</strong>cluded with Muslims rather than OBCs. Second, the<strong>in</strong>clusion of Christian, Sikh, and Buddhist Scheduled Castefamilies with Dalits and Adivasis, accord<strong>in</strong>g to their selfclassification,reduces the group classified as other m<strong>in</strong>orityreligions from 6.29 per cent of the total population to 2.70per cent (Figure AII.1).4In households without any adult 21 years or older, the highest education is substituted.

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