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What do students know and understand about the Holocaust?

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Who were <strong>the</strong> victims?<br />

129<br />

Jews were living quite a nice life’. The issue of class<br />

was also taken up by Steve (Year 13, LON7), who<br />

boldly argued that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Holocaust</strong><br />

can be explained by different sort of analytic<br />

methods, like didactic materialism … it could<br />

be explained as sort of a class conflict between<br />

generally rich business-class Jews, <strong>and</strong> sort of<br />

working-class Germans, or at least some classes<br />

of working-class Germans, yeah.<br />

While it was impressive to hear <strong>the</strong>se older<br />

<strong>students</strong> trying to provide sophisticated explanations,<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir incorrect ideas <strong>about</strong> Jewish wealth rendered<br />

those explanations inherently flawed. This capacity<br />

for insight to be undermined by erroneous<br />

‘<strong>know</strong>ledge’ was illustrated in <strong>the</strong> response of Alex<br />

(Year 12, EE1) who suggested:<br />

They [<strong>the</strong> Jews] are stereotypically much richer than<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r German people, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y are always viewed<br />

as sort of separate <strong>and</strong> different, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Nazis sort<br />

of used <strong>the</strong>m as a scapegoat for a lot of Germany’s<br />

problems, especially with losing World War I <strong>the</strong>y<br />

were blamed a lot for that.<br />

In linking issues of wealth with perceptions of<br />

difference <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> proclivity towards scapegoating,<br />

this student was hinting at what could have been an<br />

impressive explanation for why Jews were targeted<br />

by <strong>the</strong> regime. But, despite <strong>the</strong> merits of <strong>the</strong> account,<br />

its inaccurate <strong>and</strong> potentially injurious conceptual<br />

framework meant it could never be a wholly<br />

satisfactory explanation.<br />

The above findings make it clear many <strong>students</strong><br />

hold a number of highly problematic ideas <strong>about</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> socioeconomic status of Jews in Nazi Germany.<br />

A large proportion of focus-group participants<br />

had clear misconceptions <strong>about</strong> <strong>the</strong> work <strong>do</strong>ne<br />

by Jewish people <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> financial rewards this<br />

work supposedly brought. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong>re was<br />

a concerning tendency to talk <strong>about</strong> <strong>the</strong> impact of<br />

economic turmoil in Weimar Germany in ways that<br />

differentiated <strong>and</strong> distinguished Jews from Germans<br />

– as if one could be ei<strong>the</strong>r, but not both. This process<br />

of ‘differing’ may be interpreted as <strong>students</strong> having<br />

some underst<strong>and</strong>ing of <strong>the</strong> Nazi perception of<br />

Jewish ‘difference’, but <strong>the</strong> lack of reflexive thinking<br />

was concerning.<br />

As for wealth, a lot of student underst<strong>and</strong>ings<br />

were far removed from historical reality, <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>se were often combined with assumptions<br />

that upheld common stereotypes. While <strong>students</strong><br />

were in some ways correct when <strong>the</strong>y cited <strong>the</strong><br />

perception of wealth as a causal factor for ‘Why <strong>the</strong><br />

Jews?’, <strong>the</strong> repeated failure to explicitly refute or<br />

challenge stereotypical notions is highly unnerving.<br />

If assumptions <strong>about</strong> Jewish wealth are accepted<br />

uncritically, <strong>the</strong>re is a risk that <strong>students</strong> will come to<br />

regard <strong>the</strong> Jews’ apparent socioeconomic position<br />

as a causal factor ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> defamatory work<br />

of <strong>the</strong> Nazis’ propag<strong>and</strong>a against <strong>the</strong> Jews.<br />

Belief<br />

The third dimension of <strong>students</strong>’ underst<strong>and</strong>ings<br />

of ‘Why <strong>the</strong> Jews?’ concerned ideas <strong>about</strong> belief,<br />

<strong>and</strong> it was possible to get a sense of <strong>the</strong>se from<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir responses to question 56 of <strong>the</strong> survey (see<br />

Figure 5.4). The intended purpose of this question<br />

was to discover <strong>students</strong>’ underst<strong>and</strong>ing of<br />

perpetrator intentionality, although <strong>the</strong> findings<br />

yielded something else as well. The fact that 41.6<br />

per cent of respondents thought Jews could avoid<br />

persecution ‘if <strong>the</strong>y gave up <strong>the</strong>ir beliefs’ suggested<br />

that a substantial proportion of <strong>students</strong> understood<br />

Nazi policy to be predicated on religious grounds.<br />

In turn, this implied that <strong>students</strong> understood Jews<br />

(<strong>and</strong> Jewishness) to be defined by religion alone.<br />

Broken <strong>do</strong>wn by age, this statistic gained a<br />

different complexion as <strong>the</strong> percentages were<br />

found to be age related, with 52.6 per cent of Year<br />

7 indicating that Jews could avoid persecution by<br />

relinquishing <strong>the</strong>ir beliefs, 41.5 per cent <strong>do</strong>ing so in<br />

Year 9 <strong>and</strong> 30.1 per cent in Year 11. Although <strong>the</strong>re<br />

was a small increase in Year 12 (to 33 per cent),<br />

by Year 13 just 23.1 per cent of <strong>students</strong> indicated<br />

that <strong>the</strong> statement applied to Jews. Meanwhile,<br />

this reduction in <strong>the</strong> number of <strong>students</strong> answering<br />

‘Jews’ was mirrored by an increase in <strong>the</strong> percentage<br />

correctly ascribing <strong>the</strong> statement to Jehovah’s<br />

Witnesses (22.7 per cent in Year 7, 48.4 per cent<br />

in Year 10, 63.3 per cent in Year 13).<br />

The most common-sense explanation for <strong>the</strong>se<br />

results is that, as <strong>students</strong> get older, <strong>the</strong>y come to<br />

recognise that Jews were not persecuted because<br />

of religious intolerance <strong>and</strong> that Jewishness is not<br />

just an article of faith. This account would align<br />

with trends noted in Chapter 3 regarding student<br />

descriptions of ‘what <strong>the</strong> <strong>Holocaust</strong> was’, where<br />

older <strong>students</strong> became less prone to depicting Jews<br />

or Jewish persecution in terms of religion or beliefs.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, even on this question <strong>the</strong> religious<br />

optic did not disappear completely, as seen by<br />

instances in which Year 12 or 13 <strong>students</strong> rejected<br />

<strong>the</strong> Nazi attempt to define Jewishness in racial terms<br />

by actually reasserting a religious frame. As one Year<br />

12 student put it in <strong>the</strong> survey, ‘Hitler attempted to<br />

end <strong>the</strong> Jew race, however he was wrong as <strong>the</strong>y<br />

were a religion not a race’.<br />

The persistence of religion <strong>and</strong>/or belief as<br />

explanatory frames was observable in focus-group<br />

discussions. There were numerous examples, for<br />

instance, of Jews being framed as, defined by or<br />

seen to be fundamentally religious. ‘They are normal<br />

people really,’ said Suzie (Year 9, SE1), ‘just of a<br />

www.ioe.ac.uk/holocaust

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