The Canadian Army Journal
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<strong>The</strong> FLN clearly adjusted its military actions so that they fit into a plan to win<br />
politically and diplomatically from outside Algeria. 51 <strong>The</strong> FLN also waged a terrorism<br />
campaign inside metropolitan France in 1959-1960 that succeeded in showing that the<br />
war extended beyond the boundaries of Algeria and would continue until France<br />
acquiesced. In 1961, the FLN was able to organize large demonstrations in Paris that<br />
reinforced among the French the sense of hopelessness and protested the<br />
dishonourable ways in which France had conducted military operations. 52 In fact, the<br />
FLN was working on a critical fault line in French society opened by the Indochina<br />
conflict and running through its commitment to colonialism. 53 French society was<br />
profoundly divided, and the war simply widened the existing division, 54 which found its<br />
ultimate illustration when part of the French <strong>Army</strong> mutinied upon learning that the French<br />
government was negotiating a settlement with the FLN. According to some analysts, it<br />
was the extensive use of reservists and conscripts that brought the war too close to<br />
home and set the political stage for strategic defeat. 55 <strong>The</strong> Battle of Algiers was perhaps<br />
a political turning point, but it was a continuation of the same tactics that were seen firsthand<br />
by many French citizen-soldiers. French assessments of civilian casualties in<br />
Algeria range between 300,000 and 400,000 deaths, while some Algerian evaluations<br />
can be as high as 1,500,000 deaths.<br />
Lessons Learned<br />
<strong>The</strong> counter-insurgency effort in Algeria in the 20th century is very instructive. While<br />
effective use of tactical and operational counter-insurgency approaches can lead to<br />
military success, it cannot stave off strategic defeat. <strong>The</strong> FLN used ambushes, mines<br />
and terrorism as strategic weapons aimed directly at fuelling existing doubts about the<br />
colonial enterprise. France had no strategic response to these attacks. <strong>The</strong> French<br />
<strong>Army</strong> made the serious mistake of believing that tactical and operational responses,<br />
supplemented by various attempts to win over the population, would suffice to deal with<br />
the threat posed by the unconventional war that the FLN was waging.<br />
Another important lesson of this conflict is that strong resolve from a country’s<br />
political elite to engage in counter-insurgency is not enough. In democratic states, the<br />
political elite can maintain a show of unity for a time, but in the long run, that unity will<br />
be seriously eroded. This is particularly true in the context of counter-insurgency, which<br />
is almost by definition a type of conflict that endures for years. <strong>The</strong> use of conscripts<br />
only exacerbates pressures on politicians to pull back from overseas conflicts and<br />
reinforces the widening of the political fault lines that exist in any democratic society.<br />
Discussion<br />
<strong>The</strong> cases presented above illustrate that in different eras and conflicts, ambushes<br />
and IEDs have been problematic, and various tactical and operational level solutions<br />
have been found and implemented. But in the end, it is the strategic context that has<br />
been determinant. In the 21 st century, Western democracies not only continue to be very<br />
sensitive to any accusations of neo-colonialism or violation of human rights, but they are<br />
now also very sensitive to casualties. For this reason, countering ambushes and IEDs<br />
is not strictly speaking a military issue, although it occurs in a military context and calls<br />
for the use of military means. To deal with such threats effectively, one must understand<br />
that they relate directly to the political and social realms, which are the real targets of<br />
ambush and IED campaigns mounted by insurgents. Tactics such as ambushes and<br />
IEDs are used by insurgents to gradually sap the foreign counter-insurgency forces’<br />
political will, and to destabilize the social foundations of the political regime that the<br />
counterinsurgents are trying to establish and protect. If counter-ambush and counter-<br />
IED efforts remain at the tactical and operational levels, then the insurgents can keep the<br />
strategic initiative. Our inability to fully integrate counter-ambush and counter-IED<br />
<strong>Canadian</strong> <strong>Army</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> Vol. 11.1 Spring 2008 19