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<strong>The</strong> FLN clearly adjusted its military actions so that they fit into a plan to win<br />

politically and diplomatically from outside Algeria. 51 <strong>The</strong> FLN also waged a terrorism<br />

campaign inside metropolitan France in 1959-1960 that succeeded in showing that the<br />

war extended beyond the boundaries of Algeria and would continue until France<br />

acquiesced. In 1961, the FLN was able to organize large demonstrations in Paris that<br />

reinforced among the French the sense of hopelessness and protested the<br />

dishonourable ways in which France had conducted military operations. 52 In fact, the<br />

FLN was working on a critical fault line in French society opened by the Indochina<br />

conflict and running through its commitment to colonialism. 53 French society was<br />

profoundly divided, and the war simply widened the existing division, 54 which found its<br />

ultimate illustration when part of the French <strong>Army</strong> mutinied upon learning that the French<br />

government was negotiating a settlement with the FLN. According to some analysts, it<br />

was the extensive use of reservists and conscripts that brought the war too close to<br />

home and set the political stage for strategic defeat. 55 <strong>The</strong> Battle of Algiers was perhaps<br />

a political turning point, but it was a continuation of the same tactics that were seen firsthand<br />

by many French citizen-soldiers. French assessments of civilian casualties in<br />

Algeria range between 300,000 and 400,000 deaths, while some Algerian evaluations<br />

can be as high as 1,500,000 deaths.<br />

Lessons Learned<br />

<strong>The</strong> counter-insurgency effort in Algeria in the 20th century is very instructive. While<br />

effective use of tactical and operational counter-insurgency approaches can lead to<br />

military success, it cannot stave off strategic defeat. <strong>The</strong> FLN used ambushes, mines<br />

and terrorism as strategic weapons aimed directly at fuelling existing doubts about the<br />

colonial enterprise. France had no strategic response to these attacks. <strong>The</strong> French<br />

<strong>Army</strong> made the serious mistake of believing that tactical and operational responses,<br />

supplemented by various attempts to win over the population, would suffice to deal with<br />

the threat posed by the unconventional war that the FLN was waging.<br />

Another important lesson of this conflict is that strong resolve from a country’s<br />

political elite to engage in counter-insurgency is not enough. In democratic states, the<br />

political elite can maintain a show of unity for a time, but in the long run, that unity will<br />

be seriously eroded. This is particularly true in the context of counter-insurgency, which<br />

is almost by definition a type of conflict that endures for years. <strong>The</strong> use of conscripts<br />

only exacerbates pressures on politicians to pull back from overseas conflicts and<br />

reinforces the widening of the political fault lines that exist in any democratic society.<br />

Discussion<br />

<strong>The</strong> cases presented above illustrate that in different eras and conflicts, ambushes<br />

and IEDs have been problematic, and various tactical and operational level solutions<br />

have been found and implemented. But in the end, it is the strategic context that has<br />

been determinant. In the 21 st century, Western democracies not only continue to be very<br />

sensitive to any accusations of neo-colonialism or violation of human rights, but they are<br />

now also very sensitive to casualties. For this reason, countering ambushes and IEDs<br />

is not strictly speaking a military issue, although it occurs in a military context and calls<br />

for the use of military means. To deal with such threats effectively, one must understand<br />

that they relate directly to the political and social realms, which are the real targets of<br />

ambush and IED campaigns mounted by insurgents. Tactics such as ambushes and<br />

IEDs are used by insurgents to gradually sap the foreign counter-insurgency forces’<br />

political will, and to destabilize the social foundations of the political regime that the<br />

counterinsurgents are trying to establish and protect. If counter-ambush and counter-<br />

IED efforts remain at the tactical and operational levels, then the insurgents can keep the<br />

strategic initiative. Our inability to fully integrate counter-ambush and counter-IED<br />

<strong>Canadian</strong> <strong>Army</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> Vol. 11.1 Spring 2008 19

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