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32<br />

gaining the initiative is not always so easily done, as governments are often unwilling or<br />

unable to act decisively in the early stages of insurgency when the insurgent forces are<br />

weak and their plans still in development. 32 Likewise, at the tactical level, pre-empting<br />

an insurgent force that has intimate knowledge of the countryside and urban areas and<br />

that operates clandestinely amongst the population is a daunting task. However, there<br />

are examples of pre-emption in COIN warfare; one being the defeat of the Huks in the<br />

1950s in the Philippines. In that case, the Philippine Secretary of National Defence,<br />

Magsaysay, deployed the army early on to hunt down and destroy the Huk insurgents<br />

while also addressing many of the grievances held by the populace the Huks were<br />

purportedly fighting for. This approach had the Huks on the defensive almost<br />

immediately and quickly made their plans for a popular uprising untenable and<br />

irrelevant33 —in other words they were pre-empted.<br />

Examples of dislocation in COIN abound although they are seldom referred to as<br />

such. <strong>The</strong> most obvious example of this method is population control, whereby a COIN<br />

force attempts to cut insurgents from their base of support by either winning the locals<br />

over to the government side, tightly controlling the activities of the populace, or removing<br />

civilians from the contested area altogether. In each case the aim is to either “remove<br />

the enemy from the decisive point or vice versa” as Leonhard would say. <strong>The</strong> population<br />

constitutes the decisive point, as insurgencies are essentially wars for control of the<br />

population and insurgent forces can be removed from that point (or vice versa) either<br />

physically or morally. Physical removal is accomplished through forced evacuations of<br />

contested areas, concentration of civilians in fortified villages or strict controls on civilian<br />

movement. Variations on these techniques were used to good effect by the British in<br />

Malaya during the 1950s and, as Wade Markel explains: “Denied effective access to<br />

supporters and supplies, the insurgency melted away.” 34<br />

Modern COIN campaigns have tended away from physical dislocation and instead<br />

place a greater emphasis on the moral separation of the insurgent from the populace.<br />

Strategies that focus on gaining popular support for the legitimate host government are<br />

ultimately intended to wrest control of the decisive point. By reinforcing, or even creating<br />

a government in a host-nation, COIN forces are often attempting to redress grievances<br />

amongst the population or demonstrate the legitimacy of said government. Bringing<br />

lawful, representative governance, providing security, and offering economic<br />

development aid are all methods by which a COIN force attempts to win over a<br />

population and deny access to the insurgents. In describing the British practice of<br />

improving infrastructure, security, and medical care for squatters in the Malayan<br />

campaign of the 1950s, Markel states: “<strong>The</strong>se small but significant steps eliminated<br />

many of the grievances which had animated the squatters, thereby depriving the<br />

insurgents of considerable support.” 35 This is an example of moral dislocation of an<br />

insurgent force and, combined with the physical dislocation mentioned above; it allowed<br />

the British to ultimately defeat the Communists. Today in Afghanistan and Iraq, much of<br />

the COIN effort is focused on morally dislocating the enemy with particular emphasis on<br />

developing legitimate governance structures that offer a viable alternative to that of the<br />

insurgents and economic development to redress grievances. In essence, this is the aim<br />

behind the “Build” phase of the “Clear-Hold-Build” method advocated in US manual<br />

FM 3-24.<br />

Finally, disrupting, or attacking the critical vulnerability, of an insurgent force is also<br />

evident in past and contemporary COIN campaigns. As was mentioned above, insurgent<br />

forces must intuitively all possess a critical vulnerability be it their leadership, supply<br />

lines, safe haven or external political support. While some of these critical vulnerabilities<br />

are difficult to hit, others have been successfully targeted by COIN forces, often with<br />

great success. In addition to the aforementioned case of the French cutting off access<br />

<strong>Canadian</strong> <strong>Army</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> Vol. 11.1 Spring 2008

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