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The Canadian Army Journal

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By 7 December 2001, the Taliban had departed their capital, and within a short<br />

period, the government of Harmid Karzai was in power. It was soon after this point that<br />

the Taliban evolved and became an insurgency against the legitimate government. It is<br />

to the examination of this insurgency that we now turn: who are the men that make up<br />

the Taliban, what do they believe, where do they get their support and what means do<br />

they use to meet their goal of returning to power?<br />

<strong>The</strong> Taliban<br />

It is from Omar’s adherents that we get the name “Taliban.” Meaning “the students<br />

of Islam,” 28 the movement was comprised of former Mujahidin and the young students of<br />

Deobandi madrassas in Pakistan29 —the product of refugee camps resultant from the<br />

Afghan-Soviet War. In order to comprehend the Taliban it is imperative that one<br />

understand the manner in which they were generally reared in these camps. <strong>Journal</strong>ist<br />

Robert Fisk has described this upbringing as:<br />

<strong>The</strong>ir first sixteen years of life were passed in blind poverty, deprived of all<br />

education and entertainment, imposing their own deadly punishments, their<br />

mothers and sisters kept in subservience… their only diversion a detailed and<br />

obsessive reading of the Koran…30 Ahmed Rashid, writing in what is probably the single best resource on the Taliban,<br />

has described the end result of this rearing, in an oft-cited passage, as follows:<br />

<strong>The</strong>se boys were a world apart from the Mujaheddin [sic] whom I had got to<br />

know during the 1980s—men who could recount their tribal and clan lineages,<br />

remembered their abandoned farms and valleys with nostalgia and recounted<br />

legends and stories from Afghan history. <strong>The</strong>se boys were from a generation<br />

who had never seen their country at peace—an Afghanistan not at war with<br />

invaders and itself…<strong>The</strong>y had no memories of the past, no plans for the future<br />

while the present was everything. <strong>The</strong>y were literally the orphans of the war,<br />

the rootless and the restless, the jobless and the economically deprived with<br />

little self-knowledge. <strong>The</strong>y admired war because it was the only occupation<br />

they could possibly adapt to. <strong>The</strong>ir simple belief in a messianic, puritan Islam<br />

which had been drummed into them by simple village mullahs was the only<br />

prop they could hold on to and which gave their lives some meaning. 31<br />

Although many were Afghans, it needs to be noted that this is not solely an Afghan<br />

enterprise. Taliban forces include many “Pakistani [and] Arab militants” as well as<br />

warriors from throughout south and central Asia and the entire Arab world. 32 Additionally,<br />

there are Taliban soldiers from both North America and Australia (Omar Khadr who is<br />

currently being held in Guantanomo Bay is in fact a <strong>Canadian</strong>).<br />

Leadership is exercised by Mullah Omar and his lieutenants, with Omar adopting a<br />

behind-the-scenes, nearly invisible role. This invisibility has served to take the majority<br />

of the emphasis off of the individual and put it more on the movement itself. 33<br />

Additionally, it offers protection and security for him and his lieutenants, making it that<br />

much harder for coalition and Afghan forces to target him personally. That a minor<br />

religious scholar would play such a dominant role in the conduct of the insurgency may<br />

be considered a bit of a surprise, however, in order to understand the Taliban, it is<br />

imperative that one acknowledge the centrality of religious beliefs to the movement itself.<br />

Being educated in the madrassas (religious schools) of Pakistan’s refugee camps,<br />

the youth that would become the Taliban were exposed to what would politely be termed<br />

“extremist” schools of Islamic jurisprudence—namely the “Deobandi” and<br />

“Wahhabists.” 34 This was a deliberate process, on the part of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia,<br />

which can be legitimately viewed as being a principle factor in the situation we face<br />

today.<br />

<strong>Canadian</strong> <strong>Army</strong> <strong>Journal</strong> Vol. 11.1 Spring 2008<br />

57

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