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GEORGIA AND GEORGIANS 263
was born of fidelity to the Crown interests of the realm. Such consider
ations served to keep Georgia in the loyal ranks, though, twelve colonies
were represented in the Continental Congress at Philadelphia and were
inclined to shoot reproachful glances toward the loyal province which,
solitary and alone, still floated the English colors.
Nevertheless, when the news of the battle of Lexington summoned
the patriots together at Tondee 's Tavern, the fighting blood of the colony
was at last aroused. Delegates were chosen to the Continental Congress;
an executive council was named to direct the affairs of the colony in the
pending crisis, and other radical measures were adopted indicative of the
change of mind which had come over the youngest of the colonial group.
True to the filial instinct of allegiance, the convention, before adjourn
ing, petitioned the king once more to heed the protest of the aggrieved
colonies; and, even with the Macedonian cry from the New England hills
ringing in the ears of the defiant patriots, the way was paved for return
ing, in the course of time, to the ancient shelter of the Crown. But the
olive branch was rejected. The issue of grim battle was joined; and the
bloody grapple was soon to commence. Though it was not an act of
formal separation from the mother country, it virtually slipped the
bonds of allegiance and committed Georgia to the great revolt, whose
opening challenge was the Declaration of Independence and whose cul
minating scene was the surrender at Yorktown.
Despite the conservatism which delayed the action of Georgia, it must
not be supposed that there was any prevalence of apathy within the
province toward the unjust impositions of the British Parliament. On
the contrary, it was maintained that an imperial tax upon the colonies
without voice in the home councils was most unjust; and formal protest
was made in London through Benjamin Franklin. The passage of the
Stamp Act provoked universal indignation. -Governor Wright's life was
threatened; and James Habersham, president of the King's Council, was
actually waylaid and forced to seek shelter behind the royal guns. On
the anniversary of the king's accession to the throne, the Liberty Boys
took possession of the streets of Savannah, perverting the governor's
proclamation into an opportunity for burning in effigy some of the king's
representatives; and no stamps were used in Georgia, under the Act of
1765, except such as were needed to clear the vessels which left the har
bor of Savannah and which were liable to seizure upon the high seas, if
unable to produce certificates.
Of course the repeal of the Stamp Act temporarily improved the
situation. But the fires were only smoldering; and, when Governor
Wright, who thought it wise to keep an armed force at the executive
elbow, made requisition upon the Provincial Assembly for supplies,
under the provisions of the mutiny bill, the sleeping spirit of resistance
was once more in flames. If England was determined to employ force,
some of the patriotic lawmakers at least were resolved that Georgia should
not pay for the luxury of being coerced into submission; and the Lower
refused to join the Upper House in voting the appropriation.
To explain the terms used, the Lower House was the popular branch
or House of Commons, whose members were elected by the people; while
the Upper House was the King's Council or House of Lords, whose
vacancies were filled by royal appointment. Naturally the former, being