John Stuart Mill: A Criticism with Personal Recollections
John Stuart Mill: A Criticism with Personal Recollections
John Stuart Mill: A Criticism with Personal Recollections
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i that<br />
200 APPENDIX.<br />
The doctrine of the science <strong>with</strong> which <strong>Mill</strong> s name has been most pro<br />
minently associated, <strong>with</strong>in the last few years, is that which relates to the<br />
economic nature of land, and the consequences to which this should lead in<br />
practical legislation.<br />
It is very commonly believed that on this point <strong>Mill</strong><br />
has started aside from the beaten highway of economic thought, and pro<br />
pounded views wholly at variance <strong>with</strong> those generally entertained by<br />
orthodox economists. No economist need be told that this is an entire<br />
mistake. In truth there is no portion of the economic field in which <strong>Mill</strong> s<br />
originality is less conspicuous than in that which deals <strong>with</strong> the land. His<br />
assertion of the peculiar nature of landed property, and again his doctrine<br />
as to the<br />
"<br />
unearned increment<br />
"<br />
of value arising from land <strong>with</strong> the growth<br />
of society, are simply direct deductions from Ricardo s theory of rent, and<br />
cannot be consistently denied by any one who accepts that theory. All<br />
<strong>Mill</strong> has done here has been to point the application of principles, all<br />
but universally accepted, to the practical affairs of life. This is not the<br />
place to consider how far the plan proposed by him for this purpose is<br />
susceptible of practical realization ; but it may at least be confidently stated<br />
that the scientific basis on which his proposal rests is no strange novelty<br />
invented by him, but simply a principle as fundamental and widely recog<br />
nized as any <strong>with</strong>in the range of the science of which it forms a part.<br />
I have just remarked that <strong>Mill</strong> s originality is less conspicuous in relation<br />
to the economic theory of land than in other problems of Political Economy;<br />
but the reader must not understand me from this to say that he has not""<br />
very largely contributed to the elucidation of this topic. He has indeed<br />
done so, though not, as is commonly supposed, by setting aside principles<br />
established by his predecessors, but, as his manner was, while accepting<br />
those principles, by introducing a new premiss into the argument. The<br />
new premiss introduced in this case was the influence of custom as modify<br />
ing the action of competition. The existence of an active competition, on<br />
the one hand between farmers seeking farms, on the other between farming<br />
and other modes of industry as offering inducements to the investment of<br />
capital, is a constant assumption in the reasoning by which Ricardo arrived<br />
at his theory of rent. Granting this assumption, it followed that farmers,<br />
as a rule, would pay neither higher nor lower rents than would leave them<br />
in possession of the average profits on their capital current in the country.<br />
<strong>Mill</strong> fully acknowledged the force of this reasoning, and accepted the con<br />
clusion as true wherever the conditions assumed were realized ; but he<br />
proceeded to point out that, in point of fact, the conditions are not realized<br />
over the greater portion of the world, and, as a consequence, that the rent<br />
actually paid by the cultivators to the owners of the soil, by no means, as a<br />
general rule, corresponds <strong>with</strong> that portion of the produce which Ricardo<br />
considered as properly rent ". The real regulator of actual rent over the