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Beneficiaries are actors too.pdf - Southern Institute of Peace ...

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From the table above, '…a total <strong>of</strong> 2 652 farms, 4 231 080<br />

hect<strong>are</strong>s in extent, were allocated to A1 model while a total <strong>of</strong><br />

1672 farms, 2 198 814 hect<strong>are</strong>s in extent were allocated to<br />

model A2…A total <strong>of</strong> 127 192 households were settled under<br />

model A1 while a total <strong>of</strong> 7260 beneficiaries were settled under<br />

model A2' (Utete, 2003). Of note in the statistics shown above<br />

is the significant number <strong>of</strong> beneficiaries under the A1 model<br />

which is the category for small holder farmers in the fast track<br />

land reform programme. This could have had an effect <strong>of</strong><br />

decongesting some <strong>of</strong> the communal <strong>are</strong>as in the country from<br />

which the beneficiaries moved. However the problem is that<br />

most <strong>of</strong> the beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> the land reform maintain dual<br />

ownership <strong>of</strong> both their communal homes and their new farm<br />

plots. Hence no meaningful decongestion can occur in such a<br />

scenario. Requisite legal provisions should be implemented to<br />

do away with dual ownership <strong>of</strong> land, cancel out multiple<br />

ownership practices and support the new farmers, especially<br />

those in small scale operations.<br />

The Current Push for Empowerment<br />

The nationalist undercurrents in the land reform programme<br />

have continued to push for the advancement <strong>of</strong> the economic<br />

empowerment agenda in the current period under the industrial<br />

indigenisation drive. While nationalism seems to be out <strong>of</strong> touch<br />

with the current wave <strong>of</strong> globalisation, it is a refuge for countries<br />

suffering from economic injustice as a result <strong>of</strong> restrictions<br />

imposed by those championing globalisation. Nationalist feelings<br />

mostly hatched during the liberation struggle and the period<br />

preceding it (from the Unilateral Declaration <strong>of</strong> Independence<br />

going backwards) have continued to contribute significantly to<br />

the government's policy thrust. The current industrial<br />

indigenisation drive is also driven by very deep-seated feelings <strong>of</strong><br />

economic nationalism which do not seek to put the economy in<br />

the hands <strong>of</strong> government but under the control <strong>of</strong> a local black<br />

bourgeoisie class that will supposedly keep its pr<strong>of</strong>its in the<br />

country for the benefit <strong>of</strong> other sectors. This nationalist element<br />

has gone beyond simply bringing political independence but has<br />

gone further to fulfil Nkrumah's vision <strong>of</strong> a politically and<br />

economically liberated Africa (Nkrumah, 1965). According to the<br />

current indigenisation guidelines, black Zimbabwean business<br />

people should control a 51 percent stake and foreigners should<br />

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