Beneficiaries are actors too.pdf - Southern Institute of Peace ...

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From the table above, '…a total of 2 652 farms, 4 231 080 hectares in extent, were allocated to A1 model while a total of 1672 farms, 2 198 814 hectares in extent were allocated to model A2…A total of 127 192 households were settled under model A1 while a total of 7260 beneficiaries were settled under model A2' (Utete, 2003). Of note in the statistics shown above is the significant number of beneficiaries under the A1 model which is the category for small holder farmers in the fast track land reform programme. This could have had an effect of decongesting some of the communal areas in the country from which the beneficiaries moved. However the problem is that most of the beneficiaries of the land reform maintain dual ownership of both their communal homes and their new farm plots. Hence no meaningful decongestion can occur in such a scenario. Requisite legal provisions should be implemented to do away with dual ownership of land, cancel out multiple ownership practices and support the new farmers, especially those in small scale operations. The Current Push for Empowerment The nationalist undercurrents in the land reform programme have continued to push for the advancement of the economic empowerment agenda in the current period under the industrial indigenisation drive. While nationalism seems to be out of touch with the current wave of globalisation, it is a refuge for countries suffering from economic injustice as a result of restrictions imposed by those championing globalisation. Nationalist feelings mostly hatched during the liberation struggle and the period preceding it (from the Unilateral Declaration of Independence going backwards) have continued to contribute significantly to the government's policy thrust. The current industrial indigenisation drive is also driven by very deep-seated feelings of economic nationalism which do not seek to put the economy in the hands of government but under the control of a local black bourgeoisie class that will supposedly keep its profits in the country for the benefit of other sectors. This nationalist element has gone beyond simply bringing political independence but has gone further to fulfil Nkrumah's vision of a politically and economically liberated Africa (Nkrumah, 1965). According to the current indigenisation guidelines, black Zimbabwean business people should control a 51 percent stake and foreigners should 123
control 49 percent in any business venture established in Zimbabwe with a minimum capitalization of US$500 000. Of much interest is the fact that though differing and sometimes conflicting sentiments are communicated with regards to indigenisation by coalition partners in the Government of National Unity (GNU), all seem to have embraced the view that indigenous business people need to take controlling stakes in the various economic ventures in the form of partnerships. For example, while in Cape Town, addressing guests at a dinner luncheon hosted to discuss Zimbabwe's future, the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai, mentioned that, 'Across the political divide, citizenship empowerment is a policy and we are committed to ensuring the majority of Zimbabweans' participation in the economy. It's not an expropriation strategy or a nationalisation policy but it's a voluntary piece of legislation' (Ruzvidzo, 2011). This might be a reflection of a common nationalist or semi-nationalist feeling in Zimbabwe's inclusive government or is an artificial show of a unified approach to policy when in fact the opposite is true. However the Prime Minister continued with his defence of the indigenisation drive at the same forum as follows, 'The government can rightfully claim that the nation has something to contribute. We have mineral resources which we can exploit for a win-win benefit' (Ruzvidzo, 2011). The government of Zimbabwe is hence seeking to make sure that in the face of the debilitating phenomenon of the New Scramble for Africa's resources (Weinstein, 2008), foreign corporations cannot just exploit the country's vast resources for their own benefit without benefits to local communities. Commenting on the current industrial indigenisation thrust in Zimbabwe, the country's Deputy Prime Minister Professor Arthur Mutambara claimed that: There is nothing new about Zimbabwe's indigenisation programme. China has such laws and so are many other countries. What we just need to do is explain our laws better. Investors must understand that it is in their interest for Zimbabweans to be empowered and they must view this as an opportunity and not a problem. When 124
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Sustainable peace and development a
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Sustainable peace and development a
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Contents Introduction: The primacy
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its work on community, with special
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in Africa. The paper highlights the
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1 Women's access to microfinance an
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all household members, especially i
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family well-being are often higher
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“[b]y plugging the gap left by th
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As at 30 July 2011 the country's ba
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analysis will also be as much infor
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not about bemoaning the limited acc
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approach the MFIs, is that “it wi
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d) Indicators of the social and eco
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Illiteracy creates a situation of d
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Disabilities: Lessons from Zambia a
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Abbreviations and acronyms CBNRM Co
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(Murindagomo, 1990). Its main appro
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percentages to the gross domestic p
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some trees were not supposed to be
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formulation will ensure their total
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the commons'. The concept of commun
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esources in these government estate
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management in Botswana and Namibia:
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Introduction This article seeks to
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esearchers come to study with backg
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the land US$750.00. Mudzi laid the
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case the chief's court sought the t
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The chief's personality This influe
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process of reporting a case is too
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and implies that offenders should r
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Cases reported to Chief Chounda bet
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4 The role of Indigenous Knowledge
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enlarging the range of their choice
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this also served to promote food se
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development strategies in Africa sh
Page 73 and 74:
countries seriously questioned why
Page 75 and 76:
especting their realities and prior
Page 77 and 78: competing knowledge systems, charac
Page 79 and 80: impressive in transforming poor peo
Page 81 and 82: must be recognised if it is to be i
Page 83 and 84: implications for sustainable conser
Page 85 and 86: Pretty, J. N. (1994) Alternative sy
Page 87 and 88: Introduction The United Nations Edu
Page 89 and 90: Science educators have failed in th
Page 91 and 92: education in this historical era th
Page 93 and 94: esult may be disastrous. The HIV an
Page 95 and 96: affairs and ultimately the adoption
Page 97 and 98: esources, increasing green house ef
Page 99 and 100: years, and yet it is less than 100
Page 101 and 102: Fuchs, S. (2000) A social theory of
Page 103 and 104: 6 Re-examining the role of NGOs in
Page 105 and 106: that NGOs are involved in when tryi
Page 107 and 108: to see the causes of conflict as go
Page 109 and 110: which the oil is located are disgru
Page 111 and 112: communities putting into question t
Page 113 and 114: The controversies surrounding NGOs'
Page 115 and 116: conflict ridden African states, whe
Page 117 and 118: in resolving conflict and peace bui
Page 119 and 120: Recommendations To work effectively
Page 121 and 122: Juma, M.K. (2008) Conflict Preventi
Page 123 and 124: Introduction The Zimbabwean land re
Page 125 and 126: Government or private agencies. Thi
Page 127: credit facilities, new farmers in Z
Page 131 and 132: implementation of investment progra
Page 133 and 134: the ice-berg. Disadvantaged areas m
Page 135 and 136: eventual agreement on the implement
Page 137 and 138: they are simply recipients of polic
Page 139 and 140: the government embarks on a nationw
Page 141 and 142: farm ownership in the country. The
Page 143 and 144: 8 Community-driven conflict resolut
Page 145 and 146: approximately 800,000 Rwandans and
Page 147 and 148: their mediation skills.” The cell
Page 149 and 150: well as centre-periphery thesis whi
Page 151 and 152: justice In the post-genocide era, t
Page 153 and 154: marginalized and disenfranchised fr
Page 155 and 156: summarized and simplified versions
Page 157 and 158: In Rwanda for example, citizens cou
Page 159 and 160: Although the use of carrot and stic
Page 161 and 162: abunzi and the formal system beckon
Page 163 and 164: Kauzya, John-Mary. (2007) Political
Page 165 and 166: Conclusion All through the papers,
Page 167 and 168: About the editor Samuel Maruta is t
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