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18 Chronicle composition A chain of kings In an earlier work (Cummings 2002) I made arguments about the composition of the Gowa and Talloq chronicles in pre-colonial Makassar. The more extensive textual analysis of chronicle manuscripts undertaken for this project reinforces several important conclusions first presented there. Makassarese first began to write patturioloang toward the end of the sixteenth century. This date comes from internal evidence, such as backdating based on passages that mention figures alive when the chronicle was composed, overall patterns of increasing historical and genealogical detail found in successive reigns, and the increasing use of specific dates during later reigns. Historically this period followed the disastrous reign in Gowa of Tunipasuluq, who was deposed in 1593. Tunipasuluq’s young brother, later known as Sultan Ala’uddin, was installed as the karaeng of Gowa by Karaeng Matoaya of Talloq. Such a period of restoration could well have sparked the desire to commemorate the rule of past karaeng and thus initiate the composition of chronicles. We can only speculate on how the first chroniclers may have used other genres of historical texts such as rapang (guidelines from renowned ancestors) as written sources for the chronicles. Patturioloang may have had such textual precursors. We can be surer that chroniclers incorporated oral sources into their work. The opening sections of the Gowa and Talloq chronicles both bear the hallmarks of oral traditions that were set to paper. So too there are places where chroniclers mention their informants by name, an obvious indication those chroniclers sought out information from rulers or elders who possessed knowledge about the past. The most intriguing of these informants relates the origins of Talloq. The source of the story of Talloq’s beginnings under Karaeng Loe ri Sero is stated directly: ‘These are the words of I Daeng ri Buloa. What could be heard has been told.’ Unlike BL, other Talloq chronicle texts add that I Daeng ri Buloa was also called I Kanrebajiq. It is quite possible that he was none other than Tunilabu ri Suriwa, the son of Karaeng Loe ri Sero and Talloq’s second ruler (ruled late fifteenth century to 1500s). It is highly suggestive that Tunilabu ri Suriwa is described in these terms: ‘This karaeng was said to be strong and a great eater. He built fish ponds at Buloa.’ To be a great eater in Makassarese is kanrebajiq, and it is common for a mundane characteristic to be the source of the name others use to refer to that person; hence, I Kanrebajiq. Additionally, the construction of royal fish ponds at Buloa was certainly accompanied by the establishment of some kind of settlement there. These inhabitants owed their direct allegiance to Tunilabu ri Suriwa: he was their lord or daeng. Thus, as he was called I Kanrebajiq, Tunilabu could also have been called I Daeng ri Buloa. Finally, this declaration that the words related in the manuscript
II The chronicle texts 19 come from I Daeng ri Buloa clearly resemble the Makassarese genre of rapang. Advice and guidelines from renowned ancestors often take precisely this form, and the majority records the words of Gowa and Talloq’s rulers and most prominent nobles. If this surmise about I Daeng ri Buloa’s identity is accurate, it means that the narrative about how Karaeng Loe came to and founded Talloq was related by his son. His narrative could have been transmitted orally until it was incorporated by a chronicler nearly a century later. Though they began to be written in the late sixteenth century, the Gowa and Talloq chronicles were composed progressively. That is, upon the death of a ruler a new reign account was composed and added to the existing chronicle. Each such reign forms a coherent narrative unit, and there is nothing in the structure of the chronicles that necessitates they be viewed as a single whole composed at one sitting or by one writer. Indeed, changes in phrasing are substantial enough to indicate that no one writer composed accounts of all the reigns in either chronicle. Had Gowa and Talloq not been conquered in 1669, there is every reason to think that additional reign accounts would have been appended to the chronicles. The sheer variety of endings is evidence that multiple manuscripts existed that were based on originals composed at different points during the seventeenth century. Even the short narrative appendix to the Gowa chronicle may represent an embryonic effort to compose another section that was intended to continue the chronicle. Extant texts also provide evidence of the changes incorporated by successive chroniclers. These changes are more consequential than the minor variations or white noise discussed above. In a recent article, Campbell Macknight and Ian Caldwell (2001) discussed more meaningful variations among Bugis texts. They found five levels of variation of increasing size. The first two levels, spelling alternatives based on the fact that the same spoken word can be written in more than one way using South Sulawesi scripts, and scribal errors, fall into the category of white noise. The third level, alternate wording, resembles Robson’s category of deliberate corrections. In these instances the scribe intentionally substituted one word for another of similar meaning or referred to an individual by a different but still valid name or title. More significant is the fourth level, changes in content, which includes deliberate elaboration by the copyist in an effort to help explain what seemed obscure or unclear. As one would expect, this form of variation is increasingly evident in later chronicles in comparison to early chronicle manuscripts. The final level, structural change, refers to major and intentional alterations of the narrative. In the analysis of chronicle texts undertaken here it is possible to identify five areas in which successive Makassarese (and several Bugis) writers made changes in the text as they copied from a source manuscript.
Page 1 and 2: A CHAIN OF KINGS
Page 3 and 4: BIBLIOTHECA INDONESICA published by
Page 5: Contents Preface vii Abbreviations
Page 8 and 9: viii Preface how chronicle writing
Page 11 and 12: chapter i Introduction This chapter
Page 13 and 14: I Introduction 3 in Borneo. Unlike
Page 15 and 16: I Introduction 5 The Gowa chronicle
Page 17 and 18: I Introduction 7 Punctuating this c
Page 19 and 20: I Introduction 9 tions of Europeans
Page 21 and 22: I Introduction 11 obscure the fact
Page 23 and 24: chapter ii The chronicle texts In b
Page 25 and 26: II The chronicle texts 15 Talloq ch
Page 27: II The chronicle texts 17 they are
Page 31 and 32: II The chronicle texts 21 what is t
Page 33 and 34: II The chronicle texts 23 where the
Page 35 and 36: II The chronicle texts 25 With a gr
Page 37 and 38: II The chronicle texts 27 of the ch
Page 39 and 40: chapter iii The Gowa chronicle The
Page 41 and 42: III The Gowa chronicle 31 their fat
Page 43 and 44: III The Gowa chronicle 33 himself w
Page 45 and 46: III The Gowa chronicle 35 He conque
Page 47 and 48: III The Gowa chronicle 37 A child o
Page 49 and 50: III The Gowa chronicle 39 three gir
Page 51 and 52: III The Gowa chronicle 41 Makkoayan
Page 53 and 54: III The Gowa chronicle 43 Section 8
Page 55 and 56: III The Gowa chronicle 45 Cokko was
Page 57 and 58: III The Gowa chronicle 47 was I Ata
Page 59 and 60: III The Gowa chronicle 49 together
Page 61 and 62: III The Gowa chronicle 51 Not all c
Page 63 and 64: III The Gowa chronicle 53 changed o
Page 65 and 66: III The Gowa chronicle 55 36 BL 32v
Page 67 and 68: 62 A measurement equal to 20 katti,
Page 69 and 70: III The Gowa chronicle 59 Karaeng T
Page 71 and 72: III The Gowa chronicle 61 113 Thoug
Page 73 and 74: III The Gowa chronicle 63 represent
Page 75 and 76: Transliteration III The Gowa chroni
Page 77 and 78: III The Gowa chronicle 67 Karaenga
Page 79 and 80:
III The Gowa chronicle 69 30r -laq-
Page 81 and 82:
III The Gowa chronicle 71 na I Bias
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III The Gowa chronicle 73 latu ari
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III The Gowa chronicle 75 27v siaga
Page 87 and 88:
III The Gowa chronicle 77 tugannaqy
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III The Gowa chronicle 79 Daeng Nia
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III The Gowa chronicle 81 namate Tu
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84 A chain of kings of Campagaya. T
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86 A chain of kings It was he who b
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88 A chain of kings Except for Luwu
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90 A chain of kings His royal name
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92 A chain of kings name was I Daen
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94 A chain of kings 21 The precise
Page 106 and 107:
96 A chain of kings nappapilajari r
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98 A chain of kings Karaeng Pasiq m
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100 A chain of kings rika tallappoq
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102 A chain of kings Useng areng pa
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104 A chain of kings ri Lempangang
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106 Glossary karaeng a title grante
Page 118 and 119:
108
Page 120 and 121:
110 15 Tumamenang ri Papambatuna (s
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112 Bibliography Bijdragen 1854 ‘
Page 124 and 125:
114 Bibliography Manguin, Pierre-Yv
Page 127 and 128:
Place names Aceh 7, 45 Agangjeqneq
Page 129 and 130:
Kawu 33 Kekelu 88 Koja Manawaraq 95
Page 131 and 132:
Bae Baine, Karaeng 90, 96 Baine, Ka
Page 133:
lontaraq beru 14-6 lontaraq bilang
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