A CHAIN OF KINGS - Books and Journals

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A chain of kings
Sapuru) for ‘Her Javanese name was I Sapuru’ (areng Jawana I Sapuru).
158 BL 24r and SBPK 116 mistakenly have ‘his child’s name’ (arenna anaqna) for ‘his Arabic
name’ (arenna Araqna), a difference of only a single letter.
159 Following this section SBPK 116 adds additional information pertaining to the Bugis: ‘This
karaeng conquered Walenru, conquered Boné twice, established I Tobalaq in authority in Boné’
(iaminne karaenga ambetai Walenru ambetai Bone pinruang ampappentengi jannang I Tobalaq ri Bone).
This event, which took place in November 1643, is discussed in Andaya 1981:41-2.
160 The BL chronicle ends at this point. SBPK 116-117 inserts ‘This sickness of the karaeng
brought his death. He was wrapped and sunk in his grave’ (anne garrinna karaenga nakamateanga
maqrokongi natalangejeraq). This unusual detail is followed by a line break, then one short section
before the Gowa chronicle comes to an end in this manuscript as well. Also at this point VT
and CM insert an additional section, transcribed and translated in Appendix 1 of this chapter.
The remainder of the Gowa chronicle presented in translation here as Section 10 is based on KIT
compared with VT, CM, and (briefly) SBPK.
161 SBPK 117 has this as Bontomangalle. This is followed by the fragment ‘It was this karaeng
who was the first installed…’ (iapa anne karaeng uruna nilantiq). At this point the Gowa chronicle
in SBPK abruptly ends (the manuscript does not contain the Talloq chronicle).
162 In 1669 he succeeded his father as Sultan Amir Hamzah of Gowa.
163 CM’s Gowa chronicle ends here. What follows is another new section. The major texts used
here ‒ BL, KIT, SBPK, AL/2, VT, and CM ‒ have different endings for the Gowa chronicle (only KIT
and VT are the same). The orphan ending in KIT and VT is also found in ANRI 74/17, NBG 17,
and NBG 208. ANRI 74/17 then has one further section found in no other manuscript consulted
here.
164 This section is found only in VT and CM and has been placed in an appendix because it is
not present in either BL or KIT. It is a coherent narrative unit relating events concerning Gowa’s
overlordship over Boné, and was added to one (or possibly more than one) chronicle but not
to others. By this point it is likely that there were several extant chronicles in the possession of
nobles at the courts of Gowa and Talloq. We can reasonably speculate that there were at least
three. BL represents one manuscript, KIT another, and this text a third. I believe that this third
variant was an offshoot of KIT. There is no clear reason to prefer VT or CM as a base text for
translation; I have used CM. Differences with VT are minor.
165 Aruppitu is a Bugis term referring to the seven traditional lords of Boné.
166 Literally, the phrase cucuna mapayunga means to find a ‘grandchild’ (cucu) to be recognized
as lord by being given a sunshade (payung), though more broadly it refers to recognized
descendants of the ruler of Boné.
167 While Wolhoff and Abdurrahim (1959:71) interpret ikambe (‘us’ or ‘we’) as referring to
Tumamenang ri Bontobiraeng alone, I believe it refers to the ruling line of Talloq on whose
behalf he speaks. The friendship between Gowa and Talloq was forged during the reign of
Tunijalloq (reign 1565 to 1590) in Gowa, and he may not have wished this tradition of service to
Tunijalloq and his descendants transformed. As tumabicarabutta of Gowa like his father before
him, Tumamenang ri Bontobiraeng might understandably have been reluctant to loosen this
partnership by having he or his close relatives assume this position. Karaeng Sumannaq, who
was appointed Boné’s overseer, may have been a compromise because while he was a grandson
of Tumenanga ri Makkoayang of Talloq and later became tumabicarabutta of Gowa, he was not
likely to become a ruler of Talloq.
168 Literally, placed in a small sack (nanikampilimmo).
169 At this point VT 79 ends.