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54 A chain of kings have not heard his personal name, but his royal name was I Daeng Matanre.’ (anaqna Tunijalloq ri Passukkiq anne anaqna Batara Gowa Tunijalloq ri Passukkiq saqribattangi Karaenga Barataua Batara Gowatonji anganakangi Karaenga Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna Karaengami Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna magauq ri Gowa takirapikai kilangereq areng kalena areng pamanaqnaji nikana I Daeng Matanre). CM 150 reads ‘Batara Gowa was the child of Tunatangkalopi. Tunijalloq ri Passukkiq was the child of Batara Gowa. Tumammenang [ri Parallakkenna] was the sibling of [Karaeng Loe ri Sero]. Batara Gowa died. Tunijalloq ri Passukkiq became ruler. Tunijalloq ri Passukkiq died. Karaeng Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna became ruler.’ (ia anaqna Tunatangkaqlopi Batara Gowa ia anaqna Batara Gowa Tunijalloq ri Passukkiq ia sariqbattanna Tumammenang matei Batara Goa Tunijalloqmi ri Passukkiq asossorangi magaukang matei Tunijalloq ri Passukkiq Karaengami Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna asossorangi magaukang). There is no obvious basis for preferring one reading over another. One additional version, MS 6, reads only ‘the child of Batara Gowa’, at which point its much abbreviated chronicle ends. 24 VT 54 makes a point of stressing the position occupied by Tunilabu ri Suriwa, and thus the significance of the marriage, by adding the phrase ‘called Karaeng ri Talloq’ (Karaenga ri Talloq nikanaya). 25 The account of the first three children of Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna in SBPK 79 differs on several points. After the passage ‘They had children’ it reads ‘may I not be cursed, I Mariwugauq, his royal name was I Daeng Bonto. His posthumous name was Tunipalangga. Then they had a child, may I not be cursed, I Tapacinna. She was called Karaeng ri Bone. Then they had a child, may I not be cursed, I Tejibarana. His royal title was I Daeng Maropu.’ (iangku mabassung I Mariwugauq areng pamanaqna nikana I Daeng Bonto areng matena nikana Tunipalangga naanaqmo iangku mabassung I Tapacinna iami nikana Karaenga ri Bone naanaqmo iangku mabassung I Tejibarana kana pamanaqna nikana I Daeng Maropu). 26 Thus, the additional names and titles of Tunipalangga and Tunibatta ‒ each brother would rule Gowa ‒ are not given here. 27 The writer of BL 32r accidentally (we must assume) skipped over the posthumous title, which is found in most other chronicle manuscripts, including VT 55 and CM 150. 28 VT 55 and CM 150 add the word ‘again’ (-seng) here, which helps readers know who is being discussed by referring back to the subject’s earlier marriage(s), avoiding interpretations that would assume one of her children was being discussed. 29 Many texts seek to make this narrative jump back to Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna clearer. SBPK 80 adds ‘This was the karaeng who’ (iatominne karaenga), while VT 55 and CM 151 add ‘This Karaeng Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna’ (iaminne Karaeng Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna). 30 Saqbu katti means a substantial payment, usually in gold, by the vanquished to the victor. 31 My belief that the writer of BL 32v omitted a character is supported by the readings in CM 151 (Cempaga) and VT 55 (Campaga). On the other hand, SBPK 81 is in most cases a better guide than either of these manuscripts, and it too gives Cempa, which thus may refer to a different community. 32 BL 32v omits ‘called’ (nikana) here, but it is found in KIT 1, VT 55, and SBPK 81. It is appropriate as it parallels preceeding passages about the rulers of Maros and Polombangkeng. 33 This is spelled in a variety of ways, including Kasiwiang in the Talloq chronicle, highlighting the degree to which Makassarese writing was oriented towards speech and suggesting that oral transcription was one method of chronicle transmission. 34 Other texts (KIT 1, SBPK 81, VT 55, and CM 151) omit ‘palm wine flowed’ (napammattiki balloq). This may be accidental, but possibly was deliberate because an abundance of palm wine certainly violated the image of Muslim piety later sultans of Gowa wanted to project. 35 While BL 32v spells this name I Nagalasi, all other versions (KIT 1, SBPK 81, VT 56, and CM 151) give this name as I Galasi.
III The Gowa chronicle 55 36 BL 32v omits ‘attacked’ (nibunduq), but I have included it because it is found in all other versions (KIT 1, SBPK 81, VT 56, and CM 151). 37 There is some uncertainty about this name. SBPK 82 and CM 152 give this name as I Daeng Uraga, written aideaaurg. The writers of BL and KIT did often use the ‘nga’ (G) character to write the initial vowel after a velar nasal, so Uraga could be the name they intended when they wrote what in the lontaraq beru script would be aideaGurg. There is no certain way to determine if Nguraga or Uraga is correct. VT 56 is no help, as it omits the passage ‘His royal name was Daeng Uraga [or Nguraga]’ entirely. 38 Literally meaning ‘half-umbrellas’ (laqlang sipue), this refers to a sunshade made from lontaraq leaves that was held above the heads of rulers as a mark of their loftiness. The ritual of first having such an umbrella raised over one’s head was part of the ceremony by which a new ruler was installed. For example, an entry in the Gowa court lontaraq bilang reports that Sultan Malikussaid received the royal umbrella 3-7-1639 (Ligtvoet 1880:13). 39 This refers to three banners named Gurudaya, Sulengkaya, and Cakkuridia. Each was an important part of Gowa’s growing collection of sacred objects. Commonly believed to be imbued with a sentient spirit, tales abound of how these (and other) banners could move of their own will, pulling their bearer this way and that. Troops who fought beneath these three banners were believed to gain bravery and might from the gaukang. 40 The writer of BL consistently spells this ‘Sodiang’ but to avoid confusion I have used the generally accepted spelling for this community, which is used in KIT, VT, and Matthes. Note too that three versions (KIT 1, VT 56, and CM 152) of the chronicle omit reference to Sudiang here, only mentioning them as fighting alongside the ruler of Gowa himself in a subsequent passage. SBPK 82 does mention them as being part of both forces, and it is possible that both Karaeng ri Lakiung and Tumapaqrisiq Kallonna could call upon support from Sudiang. 41 BL 31r omits ‘the karaeng’, making it unclear whom he stood against and tempting readers into thinking it was the leader of the third of Gowa’s fronts: Karaeng ri Dataq. KIT 2, SBPK 82, and CM 152 add karaeng, and it is distinctly possible that the writer of BL simply forgot to write karaeng twice. 42 Other texts give slightly longer versions of the flight of the defeated forces in the chronicle, describing the retreat in greater detail than BL 31r. KIT 2, SBPK 82-3, and VT 56 read ‘The people of Maros fled from Tamamangung straight down to Maros. The people of Polombangkeng launched ships and flew up [to Polombangkeng]. The people of Talloq fled deep into Talloq’ (tuMarusuka larina ri Tamamangu tulusuki manaung ri Marusuq tuPolombangkenga manguloromami biseang namabiseang manaiq tuTalloka malari mantama ri Talloq). CM 152 is nearly the same, reading ‘The people of Maros fled from Tamamangung straight down to Maros. The people of Polombangkeng launched ships and flew up to Polombangkeng. The people of Talloq retreated deep into Talloq’ (tuMarusuka larina ri Tamamaung tulusuki naung ri Marusuq tuPolombangkenga mannguloroqmami biseang manaiq ri Polombangkeng tuTalloka mammonoqmami mantama ri Talloq). 43 This ambiguous passage can be interpreted in several ways, depending on where we suspect the words were being put. The most parsimonious interpretation is that the writer was referring to the agreement reached between the rulers of Gowa and Talloq after seven days together. It is also possible that the writer of BL 31r forgot a word such as lontaraq, in which case the passage would read ‘The only words put in the lontaraq are that they warred’. We cannot be sure if the agreement was oral or written, or which was being referred to here. While SBPK 83 has the same sparse passage, other texts expand on it, firmly stating that a written text is being described. KIT 2 and VT 57 read ‘There was not put in the lontaraq words about their war. It was only put in that they warred’ (taiai nipailalang lontaraq kana-kanaya ri bunduqna iaji nipailalang maqbunduqna). Matthes 153 has almost the same passage, but replaces the second-to-last word nipailalang with the even more literary nipalontaraq so that the last sentence reads ‘It was only written that they warred’.
Page 1 and 2:
A CHAIN OF KINGS
Page 3 and 4:
BIBLIOTHECA INDONESICA published by
Page 5:
Contents Preface vii Abbreviations
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viii Preface how chronicle writing
Page 11 and 12:
chapter i Introduction This chapter
Page 13 and 14: I Introduction 3 in Borneo. Unlike
Page 15 and 16: I Introduction 5 The Gowa chronicle
Page 17 and 18: I Introduction 7 Punctuating this c
Page 19 and 20: I Introduction 9 tions of Europeans
Page 21 and 22: I Introduction 11 obscure the fact
Page 23 and 24: chapter ii The chronicle texts In b
Page 25 and 26: II The chronicle texts 15 Talloq ch
Page 27 and 28: II The chronicle texts 17 they are
Page 29 and 30: II The chronicle texts 19 come from
Page 31 and 32: II The chronicle texts 21 what is t
Page 33 and 34: II The chronicle texts 23 where the
Page 35 and 36: II The chronicle texts 25 With a gr
Page 37 and 38: II The chronicle texts 27 of the ch
Page 39 and 40: chapter iii The Gowa chronicle The
Page 41 and 42: III The Gowa chronicle 31 their fat
Page 43 and 44: III The Gowa chronicle 33 himself w
Page 45 and 46: III The Gowa chronicle 35 He conque
Page 47 and 48: III The Gowa chronicle 37 A child o
Page 49 and 50: III The Gowa chronicle 39 three gir
Page 51 and 52: III The Gowa chronicle 41 Makkoayan
Page 53 and 54: III The Gowa chronicle 43 Section 8
Page 55 and 56: III The Gowa chronicle 45 Cokko was
Page 57 and 58: III The Gowa chronicle 47 was I Ata
Page 59 and 60: III The Gowa chronicle 49 together
Page 61 and 62: III The Gowa chronicle 51 Not all c
Page 63: III The Gowa chronicle 53 changed o
Page 67 and 68: 62 A measurement equal to 20 katti,
Page 69 and 70: III The Gowa chronicle 59 Karaeng T
Page 71 and 72: III The Gowa chronicle 61 113 Thoug
Page 73 and 74: III The Gowa chronicle 63 represent
Page 75 and 76: Transliteration III The Gowa chroni
Page 77 and 78: III The Gowa chronicle 67 Karaenga
Page 79 and 80: III The Gowa chronicle 69 30r -laq-
Page 81 and 82: III The Gowa chronicle 71 na I Bias
Page 83 and 84: III The Gowa chronicle 73 latu ari
Page 85 and 86: III The Gowa chronicle 75 27v siaga
Page 87 and 88: III The Gowa chronicle 77 tugannaqy
Page 89 and 90: III The Gowa chronicle 79 Daeng Nia
Page 91: III The Gowa chronicle 81 namate Tu
Page 94 and 95: 84 A chain of kings of Campagaya. T
Page 96 and 97: 86 A chain of kings It was he who b
Page 98 and 99: 88 A chain of kings Except for Luwu
Page 100 and 101: 90 A chain of kings His royal name
Page 102 and 103: 92 A chain of kings name was I Daen
Page 104 and 105: 94 A chain of kings 21 The precise
Page 106 and 107: 96 A chain of kings nappapilajari r
Page 108 and 109: 98 A chain of kings Karaeng Pasiq m
Page 110 and 111: 100 A chain of kings rika tallappoq
Page 112 and 113: 102 A chain of kings Useng areng pa
Page 114 and 115:
104 A chain of kings ri Lempangang
Page 116 and 117:
106 Glossary karaeng a title grante
Page 118 and 119:
108
Page 120 and 121:
110 15 Tumamenang ri Papambatuna (s
Page 122 and 123:
112 Bibliography Bijdragen 1854 ‘
Page 124 and 125:
114 Bibliography Manguin, Pierre-Yv
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Place names Aceh 7, 45 Agangjeqneq
Page 129 and 130:
Kawu 33 Kekelu 88 Koja Manawaraq 95
Page 131 and 132:
Bae Baine, Karaeng 90, 96 Baine, Ka
Page 133:
lontaraq beru 14-6 lontaraq bilang
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