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50 Notes A chain of kings 1 The meaning of these initial ten words is a long-standing puzzle in the study of Makassarese chronicles. Early Dutch summaries (Blok 1848:7; Bijdragen 1854:149) state that they refer to the four earliest known rulers: (1) Batara Guru, the brother of (2) Tunabunoa Tolali, meaning ‘the one who was killed by Tolali’, (3) Ratu Sampo Marantaya, and (4) Karaeng Katangka. There are good reasons for this reading, not the least being that these Dutch summaries may have relied on discussion with Makassarese informants in the mid-eighteenth century. Twentiethcentury scholars of South Sulawesi have also written that this passage refers to four early rulers (Friedericy 1929:365; Abdurrazak 1969:1). Yet other equally valid readings are possible. Alternate readings turn on the third name, Ratu Sampo Marantaya. There is little agreement among the available texts, and several contain readings found in no other manuscripts. SBPK 75, for example, has Sao for Sampo, while the typed manuscript of MS 3 gives these two words as Ratu sampo marantataya. J. Noorduyn (1991) hypothesizes that the third name may have the meaning ‘king whose house was full of slaves’. This is based on the inherent ambiguity of the Makassarese script, so that reconstructing this name as Sapo (a dialect word for ‘house’) Marataya (derived from ata, ‘slave’, and meaning ‘to have many slaves or subjects’). While this still supposes four individuals, Noorduyn further speculates that we read the last name ‒ Karaeng Katangka ‒ as a title borne by the others. He concludes, ‘In translation it then becomes: Batara Guru, his brother The One Who Was Killed by Tolali, (and) King Whose House Was Full of Slaves, were (all of them) Lord of Katangka’ (Noorduyn 1991:461). Following this interpretation, we now have three named individuals who in short succession ruled Katangka and were titled Karaeng Katangka. These ten words can also be read as describing three rather than four individuals based on the anomalous text in AL 150. This text, written in serang script that resolves the ambiguity of how to interpret Sa(m)po and Mara(n)taya, clearly reads as follows: Batara Guru saribattanna Tunibunoa Tolali Datu Sampo saribattanna Karaeng Katangka. Translated, the words thus mean either ‘Batara Guru was the sibling of Tunibunoa Tolali Datu Sampo and the sibling of Karaeng Katangka’ or else ‘Batara Guru was the sibling of Tunibunoa Tolali Datu Sampo who was the sibling of Karaeng Katangka’. In either reading there would be three individuals. However, the fact that no other text has such a reading suggests that it may be the effort of a puzzled scribe himself trying to work out this elusive beginning to the chronicle. Finally, it is also valid to read this as referring to only two individuals, Batara Gowa and his brother. In other words, Tunabunoa Tolali could be the posthumous name of Ratu Sampo Marantaya (or, in Noorduyn’s interpretation, Ratu Sapo Marataya), who also bore the title Karaeng Katangka. Makassarese rulers commonly had multiple names and titles. Additionally, it is plausible that Ratu Sampo Marantaya, establishing a new ruling line at Katangka, gave himself or was given the title Karaeng Katangka. A third designation was attached to this illustrious figure after his death at the hands of Tolali: the posthumous name Tunabunoa Tolali. My suspicion is that this is the correct reading, but it must perforce remain a matter of speculation. It is unlikely that this mystery will ever be resolved. Nor is this of the utmost importance. More significant is that the Gowa chain of kings is linked to Batara Guru, the central figure in origin myths across South Sulawesi (the name is also known in Java). In the Bugis epic La Galigo, Batara Guru is sent by his father Patotoqé from the Upperworld to Luwuq to become the first human being to inhabit the empty Middleworld. The massive corpus of La Galigo texts narrate the experiences of Batara Guru and five generations of his offspring. It is in fact Batara Guru’s brother, Karaeng Katangka, who may well be the more significant figure in this sentence. As Noorduyn (1991:458) notes, there is no other mention of Batara Guru in Makassarese tradition or mythology. Katangka and the title Karaeng Katangka, however, are well known. Katangka is a toponym for a settlement in the heart of Gowa and was considered one of its most sacred locations. The creation of a new kingdom of Gowa at Katangka that was linked to the mythical Batara Guru would have been a powerful cultural foundation for a new ruling line.
III The Gowa chronicle 51 Not all chronicle manuscripts even contain these initial ten words. CM 146 begins with the framing announcement ‘This is the story of the ancestors of the people of Gowa’ (anne patturioloanga rituGoaya). SBPK 75 begins ‘This lontaraq tells of the land of Gowa and those who ruled in Gowa as far as can be heard’ (iaminne lontaraq akkana-kanai buttaya ri Gowa siagang antu magaukang ri Gowa sanggena nirapika nilangereq). VT 51 has no preamble, title, or description of any sort. 2 Before ‘as I name’ CM 146, AL 150, and VT 51 add ‘as I recount’ (anngarengi). This doubling is not inappropriate, for it enhances the other instances of parallelism in the opening invocation. 3 In place of ‘she had a child’ (iami anganakangi) most texts (CM 146, AL 150, AS 6, VT 51) read ‘she was the mother of’ (ayana). SBPK 75 alone reads ‘the father of’ (written aeana, which for this Bugis writer is probably ayeana). 4 Meaning that his feet were the same length from ankle to heel as from ankle to toe. 5 The Makassarese for this is bakuq karaeng, and refers to small baskets woven of lontar palm. Filled with rice in which candles are placed, they are used in a variety of rituals. According to Cense (1979:49), the number of candles inside indexes rank, with eighteen for rulers and their high status offspring, fourteen for other nobles, and but seven candles for commoners. 6 BL 33r appears unique in placing this speech in the mouth of Tumasalangga Barayanga’s father. CM 147 and AS 6 have mother (ayanna) for father (aenna). SBPK 76 reads Tumanurunga, again referring to his mother. With only a vowel mark distinguishing the two words, some manuscripts (VT 52 and AL 150) are unclear. 7 While this line is absent in BL 33r, other texts (CM 147, AL 150, AS 6, and SBPK 76) add this additional testimony to Tumasalangga Barayang’s abilities. 8 The phrase ‘white spots on a leech’ (pute lamati) is a somewhat conjectural translation of an elusive phrase (see Noorduyn 1991:464-6). CM 147, AL 150, and AS 6 have pute mantang, while SBPK 76 has pute lamate. 9 J. Noorduyn puzzled over the best way to understand and translate what the writer intended by the archaic words punca sinomba, eventually deciding on ‘hollowed-out extremities’ (Noorduyn 1991:464-7). I have chosen to translate this as ‘capacious vessels’ because this strikes me as less ambiguous, while still describing Tumasalangga Barayanga’s unusual hands with an unusual turn of phrase. It also fits well with the verb ‘scoop’ in the lines that follow (though see note 10 below). 10 The word ‘scoop’ (mannyomba) also means ‘to pay homage’, and yields an equally valid translation: ‘His hands are capacious vessels: when they pay homage they yield taels of gold, when they pay homage they fold precious cloths, when they pay homage his men walk in multitudes’. 11 I have added here the words ‘that he disappeared, saying’ (mallayangi nakanaja), which are not found in BL 33v. They are found in most texts ‒ including CM 148, AL 151, AS 6, VT 52, and SBPK 76 ‒ and have to be inserted for the text that follows to make sense. 12 The word ‘stay’ (mammempo) also means ‘sit’ and ‘dwell’. The significant point is that Tumasalangga Barayanga is presented as instructing the people of Gowa not to follow him, thereby sanctioning the establishment of Gowa and justifying its rule over the region. 13 This is my attempt to translate magaukang bicarana, which connotes both becoming ruler and being ruler by making declarations. Other versions (SBPK 77, VT 52, CM 148, AL 151, and AS 6) add the verb asossorangi before magaukang which explicitly means ‘to come to power’. 14 As discussed in the introduction, later versions transform ‘Because nothing is said of it’ (kataenana kana-kanana) to ‘Because there were no lontaraq yet’ (kataenapa lontaraq). This is the case in SBPK 77, AS 6, VT 52, and CM 148. AL 151 reads ‘Because there were no lontaraq’ (kataenana lontaraq). 15 MS 3, AS 6, and VT 153 give an alternate name, Caruq Ballanga, for Karaeng Bayo’s sword.
Page 1 and 2:
A CHAIN OF KINGS
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BIBLIOTHECA INDONESICA published by
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Contents Preface vii Abbreviations
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viii Preface how chronicle writing
Page 11 and 12: chapter i Introduction This chapter
Page 13 and 14: I Introduction 3 in Borneo. Unlike
Page 15 and 16: I Introduction 5 The Gowa chronicle
Page 17 and 18: I Introduction 7 Punctuating this c
Page 19 and 20: I Introduction 9 tions of Europeans
Page 21 and 22: I Introduction 11 obscure the fact
Page 23 and 24: chapter ii The chronicle texts In b
Page 25 and 26: II The chronicle texts 15 Talloq ch
Page 27 and 28: II The chronicle texts 17 they are
Page 29 and 30: II The chronicle texts 19 come from
Page 31 and 32: II The chronicle texts 21 what is t
Page 33 and 34: II The chronicle texts 23 where the
Page 35 and 36: II The chronicle texts 25 With a gr
Page 37 and 38: II The chronicle texts 27 of the ch
Page 39 and 40: chapter iii The Gowa chronicle The
Page 41 and 42: III The Gowa chronicle 31 their fat
Page 43 and 44: III The Gowa chronicle 33 himself w
Page 45 and 46: III The Gowa chronicle 35 He conque
Page 47 and 48: III The Gowa chronicle 37 A child o
Page 49 and 50: III The Gowa chronicle 39 three gir
Page 51 and 52: III The Gowa chronicle 41 Makkoayan
Page 53 and 54: III The Gowa chronicle 43 Section 8
Page 55 and 56: III The Gowa chronicle 45 Cokko was
Page 57 and 58: III The Gowa chronicle 47 was I Ata
Page 59: III The Gowa chronicle 49 together
Page 63 and 64: III The Gowa chronicle 53 changed o
Page 65 and 66: III The Gowa chronicle 55 36 BL 32v
Page 67 and 68: 62 A measurement equal to 20 katti,
Page 69 and 70: III The Gowa chronicle 59 Karaeng T
Page 71 and 72: III The Gowa chronicle 61 113 Thoug
Page 73 and 74: III The Gowa chronicle 63 represent
Page 75 and 76: Transliteration III The Gowa chroni
Page 77 and 78: III The Gowa chronicle 67 Karaenga
Page 79 and 80: III The Gowa chronicle 69 30r -laq-
Page 81 and 82: III The Gowa chronicle 71 na I Bias
Page 83 and 84: III The Gowa chronicle 73 latu ari
Page 85 and 86: III The Gowa chronicle 75 27v siaga
Page 87 and 88: III The Gowa chronicle 77 tugannaqy
Page 89 and 90: III The Gowa chronicle 79 Daeng Nia
Page 91: III The Gowa chronicle 81 namate Tu
Page 94 and 95: 84 A chain of kings of Campagaya. T
Page 96 and 97: 86 A chain of kings It was he who b
Page 98 and 99: 88 A chain of kings Except for Luwu
Page 100 and 101: 90 A chain of kings His royal name
Page 102 and 103: 92 A chain of kings name was I Daen
Page 104 and 105: 94 A chain of kings 21 The precise
Page 106 and 107: 96 A chain of kings nappapilajari r
Page 108 and 109: 98 A chain of kings Karaeng Pasiq m
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100 A chain of kings rika tallappoq
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102 A chain of kings Useng areng pa
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104 A chain of kings ri Lempangang
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106 Glossary karaeng a title grante
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108
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110 15 Tumamenang ri Papambatuna (s
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112 Bibliography Bijdragen 1854 ‘
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114 Bibliography Manguin, Pierre-Yv
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Place names Aceh 7, 45 Agangjeqneq
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Kawu 33 Kekelu 88 Koja Manawaraq 95
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Bae Baine, Karaeng 90, 96 Baine, Ka
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lontaraq beru 14-6 lontaraq bilang
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