23.12.2013 Views

CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...

CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...

CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Cross-border social dialogue and agreements<br />

Monitoring stretches from integration of the agreement into the<br />

internal corporate audit (Leoni and Daimler, for example) to being<br />

included in the work of a separate compliance organization (IKEA).<br />

MNCs at the end of buyer-driven commodity chains (Gereffi, 1999) find<br />

advantages in making the framework agreement part of the contractual<br />

obligations of suppliers and subcontractors, together with a host of other<br />

obligations. Indeed, a cluster of MNCs imposes concrete obligations on<br />

their suppliers and, to some extent, has established a complicated governance<br />

structure for monitoring social and labour rights.<br />

Particularly with regard to the transnational dimension of IFAs but<br />

also with regard to their focus on fundamental human and labour rights,<br />

the representation and involvement of the global workforce constitute<br />

important issues. For the time being, the home-country labour movement<br />

plays a central role in the monitoring processes, an aspect that is<br />

probably as much to do with the institutional platform for industrial relations<br />

that exists in the home country, as well as the often weaker trade<br />

union capacity in MNCs’ foreign operations. Of the 62 IFAs surveyed<br />

here, 30 hold a monitoring role for the home-country trade union(s) or<br />

employee body (24 mention only those national actors in addition to the<br />

GUF), and 15 involve the EWC (10 mention only the EWC next to the<br />

GUF). In Arcelor, Daimler, Falck, France Telecom, PSA Peugeot Citroën,<br />

Renault, SKF and Volkswagen, the follow-up and monitoring of the IFA<br />

on the labour side are entrusted to a global body (sometimes an enlarged<br />

EWC) or world works council. This central role of EWCs is very much<br />

a specificity of IFAs in the IMF domain (although there has been debate<br />

about representation via EWCs — see IMF, 2006).<br />

The emergence of such questions of representation and the division<br />

of labour within the international labour movement is a logical consequence<br />

of the extension of transnational industrial relations. This is complicated<br />

by the “dual face” of IFAs, namely the fact that they are directed<br />

at the MNC at the same time as they are directed at the value chain.<br />

Thus, the substantive as well as the procedural elements tend to be<br />

directed at established institutions of industrial relations in lead firms,<br />

which are linked to their suppliers via highly interdependent industrialrelations<br />

forms of coordination, and operate in the formal labour market.<br />

This does not mean that IFAs cannot be useful in a buyer-driven context<br />

— indeed they are, with some strategic adaptations to the particular challenges.<br />

The initial problem is to negotiate IFAs in the first place (Miller,<br />

this volume; 2004). The conclusions aim to elaborate on this context in<br />

more detail.<br />

104

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!