CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...
CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...
CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...
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Cross-border social dialogue and agreements<br />
Monitoring stretches from integration of the agreement into the<br />
internal corporate audit (Leoni and Daimler, for example) to being<br />
included in the work of a separate compliance organization (IKEA).<br />
MNCs at the end of buyer-driven commodity chains (Gereffi, 1999) find<br />
advantages in making the framework agreement part of the contractual<br />
obligations of suppliers and subcontractors, together with a host of other<br />
obligations. Indeed, a cluster of MNCs imposes concrete obligations on<br />
their suppliers and, to some extent, has established a complicated governance<br />
structure for monitoring social and labour rights.<br />
Particularly with regard to the transnational dimension of IFAs but<br />
also with regard to their focus on fundamental human and labour rights,<br />
the representation and involvement of the global workforce constitute<br />
important issues. For the time being, the home-country labour movement<br />
plays a central role in the monitoring processes, an aspect that is<br />
probably as much to do with the institutional platform for industrial relations<br />
that exists in the home country, as well as the often weaker trade<br />
union capacity in MNCs’ foreign operations. Of the 62 IFAs surveyed<br />
here, 30 hold a monitoring role for the home-country trade union(s) or<br />
employee body (24 mention only those national actors in addition to the<br />
GUF), and 15 involve the EWC (10 mention only the EWC next to the<br />
GUF). In Arcelor, Daimler, Falck, France Telecom, PSA Peugeot Citroën,<br />
Renault, SKF and Volkswagen, the follow-up and monitoring of the IFA<br />
on the labour side are entrusted to a global body (sometimes an enlarged<br />
EWC) or world works council. This central role of EWCs is very much<br />
a specificity of IFAs in the IMF domain (although there has been debate<br />
about representation via EWCs — see IMF, 2006).<br />
The emergence of such questions of representation and the division<br />
of labour within the international labour movement is a logical consequence<br />
of the extension of transnational industrial relations. This is complicated<br />
by the “dual face” of IFAs, namely the fact that they are directed<br />
at the MNC at the same time as they are directed at the value chain.<br />
Thus, the substantive as well as the procedural elements tend to be<br />
directed at established institutions of industrial relations in lead firms,<br />
which are linked to their suppliers via highly interdependent industrialrelations<br />
forms of coordination, and operate in the formal labour market.<br />
This does not mean that IFAs cannot be useful in a buyer-driven context<br />
— indeed they are, with some strategic adaptations to the particular challenges.<br />
The initial problem is to negotiate IFAs in the first place (Miller,<br />
this volume; 2004). The conclusions aim to elaborate on this context in<br />
more detail.<br />
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