CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...
CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...
CROSS-BORDER SOCIAL DIALOGUE AND AGREEMENTS: An ...
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Cross-border social dialogue and agreements<br />
Finally, the geographical issue arises because the EWC Directive<br />
formally only applies to EU countries, but leaves agreement on the<br />
actual coverage of the council to the social counterparts. Most companies<br />
seek to limit the EWCs to the EU only (the issue here is not so much<br />
Norway and Switzerland but those Eastern European countries that are<br />
not in the EU). The union interest is of course to secure the maximum<br />
coverage, ideally of every single operation of the company regardless of<br />
its location anywhere in the world. Thus most EWCs are confined to the<br />
EU, some cover all of geographical Europe and at least three are worldwide<br />
in scope.<br />
Since the social counterparts are largely free to make their own<br />
arrangements when establishing an EWC, there is no reason why unions<br />
should obediently restrict themselves to the letter of the Directive. In the<br />
end, the structure and functions of an EWC boil down to a question of<br />
the existing balance of power, which of course applies to any negotiating<br />
situation. Admittedly, given the present balance of social and political<br />
power in the EU Member States and in the Commission, it is unlikely<br />
that much progress can be achieved at this time through a revision of the<br />
EWC Directive.<br />
Because the EWCs represent, at least temporarily, a dead end, some<br />
GUFs such as the IMF have revived the world councils. Union Network<br />
International, for its part, has created a number of international union<br />
networks at TNC level, which appear to be, in fact, world councils in a<br />
more flexible form.<br />
Conclusions: Back to the future?<br />
As we noted above, the significance and value of an IFA very much<br />
depend on the purpose it is intended to serve, which, in turn, is confirmed<br />
(or not) by its results.<br />
The broader issue is: to what extent can IFAs still be considered the<br />
elements of an emerging architecture of international labour-management<br />
relations in a global political context that is increasingly hostile to<br />
trade union rights? In such a context, there is a danger that TNCs will be<br />
more and more tempted to ignore “social partnership” arrangements,<br />
while the options for unions are narrowing down to their “core business”<br />
— rebuilding power relations through struggle.<br />
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