"Life Cycle" Hypothesis of Saving: Aggregate ... - Arabictrader.com
"Life Cycle" Hypothesis of Saving: Aggregate ... - Arabictrader.com
"Life Cycle" Hypothesis of Saving: Aggregate ... - Arabictrader.com
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170 The <strong>Life</strong>-Cycle <strong>Hypothesis</strong><br />
to the cost <strong>of</strong> living. For the currently retired we <strong>com</strong>pute the present discounted<br />
value <strong>of</strong> pension benefits, based on current pensions (including old age, social,<br />
and disability pensions). Survival probabilities refer again to women.<br />
Notes<br />
1. When measuring the aggregate saving rate, defining saving as earned in<strong>com</strong>e minus consumption<br />
or as disposable in<strong>com</strong>e minus consumption does not make a great difference. Gale and Sabelhaus<br />
(1999, table 2) adjust NIPA figures for the United States and point out that adding net saving<br />
in federal, state and government retirement plans raises the aggregate saving rate by less then 1.5<br />
percentage points over the entire 1960–98 period. The reason is that government pension<br />
saving is fairly stable and that in the aggregate mandatory contributions largely <strong>of</strong>fset mandatory<br />
benefits.<br />
2. It should be noted that their study is based on an unusual and questionable attribution <strong>of</strong> resources<br />
to individuals, not households, which is an approach that rests on a number <strong>of</strong> assumptions. First <strong>of</strong><br />
all, that households are a veil for the individuals who live in them. Second, that there are no public<br />
goods within the family. Finally, that there are no economies <strong>of</strong> scale in consumption.<br />
3. The decline in the aggregate saving rate is not peculiar to the 1989–2000 period, but follows a<br />
trend starting just after the period <strong>of</strong> high and sustained growth <strong>of</strong> the fifties and sixties. In previous<br />
work (Modigliani and Jappelli, 1990) we emphasize that the reduction in productivity growth is the<br />
main factor explaining the trend decline in the Italian saving rate, particularly after the 1973 oil shock.<br />
Rossi and Visco (1995) argue that the accumulation <strong>of</strong> social security wealth due to the transition to<br />
a pay-as-you-go social security system and the increasing generosity <strong>of</strong> the system also explain a substantial<br />
portion <strong>of</strong> the fall in household saving. Other explanations focus on the reduced need for precautionary<br />
saving due to the increased availability <strong>of</strong> social insurance schemes.<br />
4. Reasons for such behavior include mortgage market imperfections, which prevent young households<br />
from borrowing (Guiso and Jappelli, 2002).<br />
5. Two macroeconomic episodes characterize our sample period. The economy went into a recession<br />
in 1991–93. Afterwards the economy began a mild recovery, with the growth rate picking up in 2000.<br />
6. One should keep in mind that wealth accumulation also depends on households’ preferences, the<br />
interest rate, the life-cycle variation in household size and <strong>com</strong>position, and the rules governing retirement.<br />
Additional control variables (such as education, gender, or region <strong>of</strong> residence) do not change<br />
the qualitative results in the next sections.<br />
7. Since the fraction <strong>of</strong> Italian households that contributes to private pension funds is tiny, they can<br />
be safely neglected. The 1995 pension reform <strong>of</strong> the social security system implements gradual<br />
changes in eligibility rules, accrual rates and pension age. Our estimate <strong>of</strong> social security wealth<br />
abstracts from these institutional details. It provides a rough estimate <strong>of</strong> expected contributions and<br />
benefits whose main purpose is to obtain a benchmark indicator to be <strong>com</strong>pared with discretionary<br />
wealth. The assumed replacement rate and contribution rates are, respectively, 70 and 25 percent. See<br />
the appendix for details.<br />
8. Sabelhaus and Pence (1999) use a time series <strong>of</strong> cross-section wealth surveys to measure how<br />
wealth accumulation varies across age in the US. They apply a technique similar to ours to the 1989,<br />
1992 and 1995 Survey <strong>of</strong> Consumer Finance and are therefore able to purge the age-wealth pr<strong>of</strong>ile<br />
from cohort effects. They also <strong>com</strong>pute the change in wealth as a percent <strong>of</strong> disposable in<strong>com</strong>e and<br />
find positive saving rates in the order <strong>of</strong> 20 percent until age 60, and negative saving afterwards,<br />
ranging from -20 percent at age 65 to -50 percent at age 75.<br />
9. For employees the contribution rate increases from 26 percent <strong>of</strong> gross earnings in 1989–93 to 27<br />
percent in 1995–2000. The contributions are split between the employee and the employer. But clearly<br />
this is immaterial: in both cases it is the employee who actually bears the burden <strong>of</strong> paying the contributions<br />
(and finally receives the benefit). For the self-employed the contribution rates are set at 15<br />
percent <strong>of</strong> gross earnings.