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262 Unemployment and Monetary Policy in the European Union<br />

have increased net exports, especially to Germany, which in turn would have<br />

helped Germany by increasing the resources available for East Germany and by<br />

holding down inflation.<br />

There is some evidence that the Bundesbank actually favored this approach,<br />

to relieve both French unemployment and the pressure on the Bank to ease their<br />

monetary policy faster than they (rightly or wrongly) deemed best for Germany.<br />

But France’s view was that devaluation must be avoided regardless <strong>of</strong> domestic<br />

costs because: i) it meant abandoning the EMS and European unity; ii) it might<br />

result in loss <strong>of</strong> credibility—that is, that it might result in French interest rates<br />

having to <strong>com</strong>mand a positive spread over German rates, thus reducing or even<br />

eliminating the possibility <strong>of</strong> bringing French rates below the German ones; and<br />

probably by far most important, iii) it would have meant a loss <strong>of</strong> face, inconsistent<br />

with French pride. It therefore held on to the “Franc Fort” policy.<br />

Given that decision, there was no way to avoid huge unemployment, except<br />

by adopting a fiscal policy <strong>of</strong> government deficit as large as that <strong>of</strong> Germany and<br />

even higher, to <strong>com</strong>pensate for the lack <strong>of</strong> the exogenous stimulus; but such an<br />

alternative was not even entertained.<br />

4.6.2 August 1993 and Thereafter<br />

With this dismal picture in mind, by August 1993 a group <strong>of</strong> MIT economists,<br />

including myself, reached the conclusion published in the Financial Times, that<br />

the time had <strong>com</strong>e for France to put unemployment above other considerations<br />

and cut interest rates. As this view spread in the market, speculation (led by<br />

French, not Anglo-Saxon, interest) forced abandonment <strong>of</strong> parity.<br />

The scenario we foresaw was 1) a sharp cut <strong>of</strong> the interest rate, 2) followed by<br />

appreciable devaluation—most likely through a period <strong>of</strong> floating—and possibly<br />

a joint one by the one-German EMS. What actually happened was quite different.<br />

The EMS was saved by broadening the band to 15 percent, which would<br />

have made it possible for the non-German EMS to cut interest rates without abandoning<br />

the EMS. But the amazing and unexpected thing was that, despite the<br />

wider band, exchange rates in the following days, weeks and months were kept<br />

in the old narrow band by a policy led by France <strong>of</strong> holding on blindly and at<br />

any cost to the “Franc Fort” policy and hence to the Bundesbank high interest<br />

rates. This policy proved to be suicidal. It cost France an increase in unemployment<br />

from a very high 8.9 percent in 1990 to 11.6 percent in 1993 and 12.6<br />

percent in 1994. The cost was similar for the European Union as a whole. It transformed<br />

the EMS and the march toward Maastricht into an instrument <strong>of</strong> torture.<br />

The reason why participation in the EMS has been so disastrously costly can<br />

be readily understood. It results fundamentally from the decision to maintain<br />

rigidly fixed exchanges, at first as a member obligation, and after August 1993,

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