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14-1190b-innovation-managing-risk-evidence

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Similarly, a recent report for the Climate Outreach and<br />

Information Network 20 argued for the importance of<br />

identifying the overlap between the values underpinning<br />

centre-right conservatism in the United Kingdom and<br />

those which are congruent with sustainability, such as an<br />

emphasis on community well-being, intergenerational duty<br />

and a representation of the environment not as a ‘service<br />

provider’ but as something that people have a duty to<br />

protect. Social values and discourses also shape how men<br />

and women orient towards science and technology, and are<br />

being explored as explanations for the so-called ‘gender<br />

effect’ in <strong>risk</strong> perception — the observation that some men<br />

come to see environmental and technological <strong>risk</strong>s as less<br />

threatening than other groups in society, including most<br />

women 21, 22 .<br />

Arguably just as important to thinking about cultural<br />

issues and <strong>risk</strong> has been the work of Ulrich Beck 23 and<br />

Anthony Giddens 24 in their discussion of ‘Risk Society’.<br />

Risk society theory starts from an analysis of the macrostructural<br />

conditions and consequences of contemporary<br />

(late-modern) industrialized Western society. The claim<br />

is that late-modernity has been accompanied by the<br />

emergence of new classes of all-pervasive and ‘invisible’<br />

<strong>risk</strong>s, experienced only indirectly through expert systems<br />

of knowledge — we may be exposed to <strong>risk</strong>s, but can never<br />

fully comprehend their technological and environmental<br />

causes.<br />

According to Beck and Giddens, the consequences for the<br />

CASE STUDY<br />

MANAGING RISK PERCEPTION OF AUTONOMOUS<br />

TECHNOLOGIES: THE DOCKLANDS LIGHT RAILWAY<br />

Mike Esbester (University of Portsmouth)<br />

96<br />

Introducing autonomous technologies — those<br />

which are not directly controlled by human<br />

operators — poses significant challenges, particularly<br />

regarding people’s perceptions of the dangers to<br />

which they might be exposed. This case study focuses<br />

on London’s Docklands Light Railway (DLR), and<br />

considers how the automatic technology of driverless<br />

trains was presented to the public. It explores how the<br />

<strong>risk</strong>s conceivably posed by the lack of human drivers<br />

were perceived and addressed, and is used to suggest<br />

lessons for the introduction of future autonomous<br />

technologies.<br />

The DLR is an urban mass transit system, proposed<br />

in the early 1980s and opened in 1987. It operates on<br />

a track separated from other transport users — unlike<br />

a tram, for example, it does not run along streets. This<br />

meant that it was possible to run driverless trains<br />

controlled by computer programs, though a single<br />

member of staff travelled on board to operate doors<br />

and check tickets.<br />

Driverless trains brought with them the potential<br />

perception that they were in some way dangerous, as<br />

nobody was in control. However, the records available<br />

show no great public concern about the driverless<br />

technology. There were fears, but they were mitigated<br />

or addressed by those promoting the DLR both before<br />

and during the system’s introduction, until the DLR’s<br />

safety record was established in practice.<br />

Proactive communication was key: explanations of<br />

the system, its technology and the associated failsafes<br />

tried to remove concerns about the lack of<br />

drivers. Exhibitions of trains and promotional literature put<br />

forward both the positives of the DLR and the negatives<br />

of traditional surface level transportation. They noted (but<br />

didn’t stress unduly) the potential for human control if need<br />

arose. Leaflets and newspaper features noted that it was<br />

possible for the member of staff on board to drive the train<br />

and that the system was overseen by humans in the control<br />

centre.<br />

Potential concerns about the safety of driverless<br />

technology were addressed by publicity surrounding<br />

the trials of the DLR, which stressed their extensive<br />

and thorough nature. Significantly, the novelty of the<br />

technology was downplayed. Instead, the DLR’s proponents<br />

acknowledged the debts owed to existing automatic<br />

technologies that the public might be familiar with, in a bid<br />

to demonstrate the tried and tested nature of such systems.<br />

This included the Victoria underground line, which had used<br />

a version of automatic train operation since 1968.<br />

Finally, perceptions of <strong>risk</strong> were ameliorated by placing<br />

the system under the regulation of the Railway Inspectorate,<br />

the state agency responsible for overseeing safety (including<br />

granting permission to operate new lines). The state,<br />

effectively, acted as guarantor on the safety of the DLR.<br />

These factors suggest a number of aspects to explore<br />

when introducing new autonomous technologies, in order<br />

to address public concerns about potential negative impacts.<br />

The public is likely to be interested in new technologies,<br />

and may well approach them with an open mind and<br />

sophisticated (and varied) perceptions of <strong>risk</strong>s. Therefore<br />

providing information at each stage of the process is likely<br />

to be beneficial. Concerns should be acknowledged and

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