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Growing the Wealth of the Poor - World Resources Institute

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G R E E NL I V E L I H O O D SThe Concession Model: An EvolvingBlueprint for Sustainable EnterpriseAs <strong>the</strong> concession initiative originated from foresters and as <strong>the</strong>enabling regulations were rushed through by CONAP againsta backdrop <strong>of</strong> donor pressure, communities living in <strong>the</strong> multipleuse and buffer zones were not widely consulted at <strong>the</strong> start.As a result, <strong>the</strong>y were initially wary <strong>of</strong> seeking concessions, withthree years passing until a second community sought andreceived a contract in 1997 (Nittler and Tschinkel 2005:2).After that, as <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> forest harvesting rights becameapparent, “communities were suddenly standing in line,”according to Henry Tschinkel (Tschinkel 2007).As only six small communities inhabited <strong>the</strong> denselyforested multiple use zone—not enough to manage half amillion hectares <strong>of</strong> land—<strong>the</strong> remaining concessions weregranted to groups <strong>of</strong> villages in <strong>the</strong> adjoining buffer zone. Thedisadvantage <strong>of</strong> this was that seven <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> communities hadstronger backgrounds in farming than forestry and faced a steeplearning curve for <strong>the</strong>ir new trade (Chemonics and IRG2000:III-6-8). Two additional concessions were awarded to localtimber companies, despite opposition from conservation NGOs,on <strong>the</strong> condition that <strong>the</strong>ir operations achieve certification underInternational Forest Stewardship Council guidelines within threeyears (Saito 2008). Unable to clear timber and <strong>the</strong>n move on asin <strong>the</strong> past, <strong>the</strong>se industrial concessions quickly became convertsto sustainable forestry practices and formed alliances withcommunity enterprises, buying <strong>the</strong>ir wood for processing andsale (Chemonics 2006:16).Although <strong>the</strong> multiple use zone remained governmentproperty, <strong>the</strong> concession contracts granted usufruct rights to legallyconstituted community organizations for 25 years, with an optionfor renewal (Nittler and Tschinkel 2005:3; Stoian and Rodas2006a:15). This was estimated as <strong>the</strong> time needed for <strong>the</strong> firstparcels <strong>of</strong> land to be ready fora second harvest, thus creatingcommunity self-interest inpracticing sustainable forestrymanagement (Tschinkel 2008).It was also long enoughfor communities to envisagebuilding healthy businesses,especially with significantdonor subsidies.The forest area in <strong>the</strong>concessions ranges considerablyin size from 4,800 to72,500 ha (Chemonics andIRG 2000:A-iv-7). In a rushto get <strong>the</strong> concession programestablished as soon as possible,<strong>the</strong>ir borders were drawnon <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> lobbying bycommunities and NGOs and <strong>of</strong> proximity to <strong>the</strong> park’s protectedcore zones, ra<strong>the</strong>r than by <strong>the</strong> presence and distribution <strong>of</strong> highvaluetree species. As a result, some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> early communityenterprises struggled to extract enough valuable trees from <strong>the</strong>small concessions <strong>the</strong>y had been allocated to support a viablebusiness (Nittler and Tschinkel 2005:4–5). By <strong>the</strong> late 1990s, due inpart to lobbying from <strong>the</strong> newly formed EFC umbrella organization,ACOFOP, this problem was rectified for later concessions as<strong>the</strong> national parks agency began awarding larger concessions withgreater commercial promise (Chemonics and IRG 2000:A-iv-8).Each concession was allocated to a legally constituted organization—<strong>the</strong>community forestry enterprises. Every adult resident<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> founding community was free to join, although in manycommunities, few villagers initially signed up due to concernsabout <strong>the</strong> responsibilities involved (Tschinkel 2007). Earlymemberships ranged from 29 to 372 and included residents <strong>of</strong> upto nine villages (Chemonics and IRG 2000:A-IV-11).Once CONAP approved an EFC’s five-year sustainableforest management plan, that plan became part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> legalcontract between <strong>the</strong> enterprise and <strong>the</strong> national parks agency.EFCs were <strong>the</strong>n legally empowered to harvest and sell timberfrom <strong>the</strong>ir concession, in accordance with each managementplan’s conditions. They were also required to submit annualoperating plans for CONAP’s approval, detailing <strong>the</strong> species andvolume to be cut (Chemonics and IRG 2000:II-12; Tschinkel2008). Enterprises were legally empowered to harvest not onlyvaluable tree species, such as mahogany, but also non-timberforest products, including chicle, allspice, and xate palm leaves(Chemonics 2003:23).Crucially, <strong>the</strong> fledgling EFCs were also required by USAIDand CONAP to achieve certification under internationalsustainable forestry standards within three years in order toqualify for continued donor assistance (Chemonics and IRG2000:A-iv-12). To help <strong>the</strong>m achieve this, <strong>the</strong> regulations forallocating a concession required that a qualified NGO assume129

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