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Growing the Wealth of the Poor - World Resources Institute

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T U R N I N G B A C K T H E D E S E R Teven daily, attention to pruning trees. As most men still migrateto urban centers throughout West Africa during <strong>the</strong> dry seasonto secure additional cash income, <strong>the</strong> increasingly valued task<strong>of</strong> tree husbandry <strong>of</strong>ten falls to women (Wentling 2008a).Women and <strong>the</strong>ir families derive a host <strong>of</strong> material benefitsfrom this role. Using <strong>the</strong>ir own wood for cooking eliminates adaily cost <strong>of</strong> 200 CFA francs (US 40 cents) for purchasedfirewood (USAID et al. 2005:18). Surplus wood can earn up to400 CFA francs (US 80 cents) per bundle in local marketsKOLLOMA BABA:WOMEN REVIVE LAND, IMPROVE THEIR STATUS“These lands are now like our husbands,” say <strong>the</strong> women <strong>of</strong> KollomaBaba, describing <strong>the</strong> thriving plots <strong>of</strong> millet and sorghum, cow peas,groundnut, and okra around <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> years <strong>of</strong> hard labor(Abdoulaye and Ibro 2006:40, 42). Once barren, boulder-covered, anddevoid <strong>of</strong> vegetation, <strong>the</strong>se patches <strong>of</strong> reclaimed desert have lifted <strong>the</strong>women, mostly divorcees and widows, out <strong>of</strong> grinding poverty andtransformed <strong>the</strong>ir social status. Today, not only do <strong>the</strong>y harvest enoughfood for <strong>the</strong>ir families; <strong>the</strong>y earn income from selling surplus crops, hay,and tree seedpods, and <strong>the</strong>ir land has significantly increased in value(Boubacar et al. 2005:17, 20; Diarra 2006:21).The women’s fortunes were transformed with <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> TahouaRural Development Project, funded by <strong>the</strong> German government agencyGTZ. In <strong>the</strong> late 1980s, with <strong>the</strong> agreement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village chief and localgovernment <strong>of</strong>ficials, about 250 widows and divorced women received<strong>the</strong> rights to abandoned, degraded land in Kolloma Baba, a villagewhere farm productivity had plunged by up to 90 percent (PDRT 1997as cited by Guéro and Dan Lamso 2006:5; Abdoulaye and Ibro 2006:40).In return <strong>the</strong> women pledged to restore <strong>the</strong> land by investing <strong>the</strong>ir laborin soil and water conservation techniques (Guéro and Dan Lamso2006:29; Winterbottom 2008).After clearing <strong>the</strong> land <strong>of</strong> rock, each woman received a plot <strong>of</strong> about60 square meters (BBC 2006). In addition to sowing traditional milletand sorghum, many took <strong>the</strong> initiative to diversify into cow peas,groundnut, and okra (Abdoulaye and Ibro 2006:32). In <strong>the</strong> early years,female farmers worked through <strong>the</strong> Kolloma Baba Women’s Association,established by <strong>the</strong> project, with members helping each o<strong>the</strong>r to develop<strong>the</strong>ir land (BBC 2006). More recently, <strong>the</strong>y have hired male labor, pro<strong>of</strong><strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir considerable economic capacity (Boubacar et al. 2005:18, 29).By 2006, <strong>the</strong>y had restored 2,000 ha <strong>of</strong> degraded land and were sellingexcess crops, lifting <strong>the</strong>mselves a step out <strong>of</strong> poverty and increasing<strong>the</strong>ir social status. A village committee, principally made up <strong>of</strong> women,deals with protection <strong>of</strong> regenerated trees across <strong>the</strong> community(Saadou and Larwanou 2006:15–16, 18).Although <strong>the</strong>ir land has increased several times in value, and despitepersistent pressure from male farmers, <strong>the</strong> women have vowed not tosell. Says association member Fatima Illiassou: “Thanks to our crops,we can eat. We can buy clo<strong>the</strong>s for our children. We won’t go throughall that suffering to give men <strong>the</strong> fruits <strong>of</strong> our labor” (BBC 2006).during <strong>the</strong> dry season; in Zinder, a sack <strong>of</strong> nutritious, ediblebaobab leaves can sell for as much as 3,000 CFA francs(US$6), three times <strong>the</strong> average daily wage for laborers(Larwanou et al. 2006:18). Women farmers use FMNRincome to meet household needs, including purchasing foodand paying school fees. Many have also diversified <strong>the</strong>ir households’livelihoods: some by taking advantage <strong>of</strong> better soilfertility and water retention to cultivate cash crops such asonions, tomatoes, sesame, and hibiscus; o<strong>the</strong>rs by using <strong>the</strong>irnew earnings to invest in sheep and goats, which live <strong>of</strong>f <strong>of</strong>tree seedpods (BBC 2006; Reij 2006:iii).Anecdotal evidence highlights how <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> womenhas been transformed by <strong>the</strong>ir involvement in FMNR. A 2006field study <strong>of</strong> FMNR villages across Zinder region found thatlivestock owners—ranked high on <strong>the</strong> social ladder—commonly included women (Larwanou et al. 2006:21). InKolloma Baba village in Tahoua, formerly vulnerable andmarginalized widows and divorcees employ male laborers towork <strong>the</strong>ir farms (Boubacar et al. 2005:10, 16). During <strong>the</strong>2005 food crisis, female FMNR farmers also used <strong>the</strong>ir foodreserves to assist o<strong>the</strong>rs, elevating <strong>the</strong>ir position in <strong>the</strong>community (Diarra 2006:12). Women farmers’ enhancedstatus is also clearly demonstrated in FMNR communitiesthat boast village natural resource management committees,where <strong>the</strong>y participate equally with men in decision-making(Tougiani et al. 2008:12).Re-greening a Country:Key Players and PartnersWith millions <strong>of</strong> trees now carpeting land that was mostly barrenonly one to two decades ago, Niger’s farmers have producedone <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most visibly successful examples <strong>of</strong> natural resourcemanagement in <strong>the</strong> world today. Although it took several yearsto take <strong>of</strong>f, Niger’s farmers have abandoned a core practice <strong>of</strong>clearing fields and have embraced <strong>the</strong> protection and sustainablemanagement <strong>of</strong> native vegetation.Why did <strong>the</strong>y do so? One clear reason, say observers, was<strong>the</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> environmental and economic crisis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> late1970s and early 1980s, combined with Niger’s boomingpopulation. With more mouths to feed every year, ruralcommunities could see that traditional clearing and farmingmethods were no longer meeting <strong>the</strong>ir needs (Wentling 2008a).The obvious success <strong>of</strong> early FMNR projects, implemented atlittle or no cost to farmers, was also a powerful spur to <strong>the</strong>irneighbors. But it is unlikely <strong>the</strong> movement would have reachedsuch a scale or overcome <strong>the</strong> barriers to farmer adoptionwithout <strong>the</strong> input <strong>of</strong> two key players: Niger’s central governmentand international intermediary organizations.153

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