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stood at close to 22 per cent—far from equalitybut nevertheless an improvement compared to14 per cent in 2000. 135 The adoption of affirmativeaction measures—such as quotas on partyelectoral lists or reserved seats—has been critical infacilitating women’s entry into national assemblies.Innovations in electoral systems and affirmativeaction measures have come about both as aresult of pressure from women’s movements andthrough the influence of global declarations andresolutions. In local governance, too, women aremaking inroads in some countries. 136 In executivepositions in government, however, women continueto be very much in a minority and confined mainlyto gender-stereotyped portfolios. 137Moving towards numerical parity in political officeremains an essential component of deepeningdemocracy and creating a more just society.Women’s involvement in politics can also have apositive ‘role-modelling’ effect by encouragingother women to seek public office. But doeswomen’s presence in formal politics help bringwomen’s interests into policy-making? Here theevidence is mixed.There is some evidence, mainly from Scandinaviancountries, to support the contention that having a‘critical mass’ of women in decision-making forumscan trigger a shift in priorities to favour women’sconcerns. 138 Women parliamentarians in a numberof developing countries too have taken steps toraise the profile of gender issues in legislativedebates: some have formed women’s caucusesto work across party lines and to coordinatetheir work in legislative committees, while othershave formed standing committees on women’srights and equal opportunities. 139 Moving belownational legislatures to local governance bodies,there is some evidence to show that when womenhave a greater voice and participation in publicadministration, public resources are more likelyto be allocated to human development priorities,including child health, nutrition and access toemployment. 140 Recent research on communityforestry institutions governing access to and use offorest products in Gujarat (India) and Nepal alsosuggests that having a critical mass of womenincreases the likelihood of women attendingmeetings and voicing their concerns. 141Easing women’s access to political office does not,on its own, ensure that a women’s rights agendais brought into policy-making. Women politicians,like their male counterparts, may address theissues of concern to their parties and constituents,and women’s rights may not be on the agendaof those representing traditional social groups orconservative parties. Moreover, their links withwomen’s rights organizations may be weak ornon-existent. The deficiencies in government,in particular the control of dominant groups onlocal level bodies, are not magically fixed byhaving more women incorporated in them. 142 Asmore women have entered political office, manyhave discovered deeply entrenched patterns andpractices in public decision-making and policyimplementation that ‘stop progressive publicpolicy in its tracks’. 143 Translating women’s politicalpresence into progressive policy change alsorequires that the state and political parties areresponsive to these issues and the political culture iscompatible with human rights and equality claims.The capacity of the state to effectively implementpolicies and regulate market actors also playsa decisive role in determining whether women’srights can be advanced in practice. 144The number of women in formal politics may notbe the best indicator of the quality of women’spolitical participation or its effectiveness inorienting policy-making towards gender concerns.The number, size and influence of active women’sorganizations may be far better indicators ofwomen’s political participation. 145 Most importantly,the strength of autonomous women’s movementsand how they engage with women in politicaloffice and the bureaucracy has been shownto be a key ingredient in progress towardsgender-responsive public policies (see sectionEquality before the law). 146 This requires timeand resources that women and women’sorganizations often do not have. Hence, actionsthat equalize the distribution of resources, interms of time and money, between women andmen—as captured in the first dimension of the53