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The unequal distribution of unpaid careand domestic workAcross all economies and cultures, womenand girls carry out the bulk of unpaid care anddomestic work. Globally, women do nearly 2.5times as much of this work as men, with largegender disparities in time spent cooking, cleaningand caring for household members (see Annex 3). 64Women’s involvement in this work varies greatlyacross countries depending on the extent andcoverage of public services such as water andsanitation, energy, health and childcare. Withincountries, there are also significant variations in theamount of unpaid care and domestic work carriedout by women based on age, income, location andthe presence of young children in the household. 65For example, in Algeria, women in rural areas do 5.5hours of unpaid care and domestic work per day,compared to 5.1 hours for urban women, rising to 7.3hours a day for women with children younger than 4years. Men’s contribution to domestic work remainsconstant at less than one hour per day across allthese categories. 66 In Pakistan, rural women do 4.9hours of unpaid care and domestic work per daycompared to 0.5 hours for rural men. 67The broader economic and social context alsomakes a difference to women’s unpaid care anddomestic work. Health crises such as the HIVpandemic and the more recent outbreak of theEbola virus disease create additional unpaid careand domestic work burdens, as well as health risks,for women (see Box 3.7). Where health systemsare under-resourced or over-stretched, homebasedcarers, predominantly women, take upthe slack with little support or remuneration (seestory: A seat at the table). 68 Austerity measuresadopted following the global financial crisis havefurther increased the burden of unpaid care anddomestic work, particularly for poor women whoare often the most reliant on public services. 69Responsibility for care limits women’seconomic opportunitiesWomen’s disproportionate responsibility forunpaid care and domestic work limits theirparticipation in the labour force. In the EuropeanUnion (EU), in 2013, 25 per cent of women comparedto only 3 per cent of men cite care and otherfamily responsibilities as the reason for not beingin the labour force. 70 The impact of women’s careresponsibilities on labour market outcomes isalso reflected in significant differences betweenemployment rates of women with and withoutchildren.Policy can also make a huge difference here:EU countries that provide comprehensivesupport to working parents have higher rates offemale employment than countries without suchpolicies. 71 The provision of childcare services isstrongly associated with higher rates of women’semployment, but policies to promote paid parentalleave also have a significant impact. 72Figure 2.4 compares employment rates of mothersin EU countries, according to different types of familypolicy regimes and the number of children theyhave. At one end of the scale, in the Nordic countries,where comprehensive support for working parentsincludes generous paid leave, high quality publicchildcare services and flexible working options,women with children have higher than averageemployment rates. At the other end of the scale, inSouthern Europe, where such support is minimal,women with children are least likely to be employed.The differences in employment rates betweencountries are particularly wide for women with twoor more children.In developing countries, being married, as well asthe presence of young children in the household areassociated with lower employment rates for womenbut higher rates for men. 73 For example, in Mexico,46 per cent of women aged 25–34 in householdswith very young children were in the labour forcein 2010 compared to 55 per cent of women inhouseholds without children. The figures for menwere 99 and 96 per cent, respectively. 74Inadequate childcare supportSurvey data from 31 developing countriesillustrate the problems faced by working women