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Trade Adjustment Costs in Developing Countries: - World Bank ...

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<strong>Adjustment</strong> to Internal Migration 203preneurial <strong>in</strong>vestments. In these households, the labor supply of 10 to 17 year oldchildren fell by more, particularly for boys. Us<strong>in</strong>g cross-section data on Mexicanstates, Woodruff and Zenteno (2007) f<strong>in</strong>d a positive correlation between emigrationand bus<strong>in</strong>ess formation. These results suggest that migration may help householdsto overcome credit constra<strong>in</strong>ts imposed by the send<strong>in</strong>g-country f<strong>in</strong>ancialmarkets.3.2. Labor Market ConsequencesThe labor market consequences of <strong>in</strong>ternational migration have <strong>in</strong>spired <strong>in</strong>tensedebate among scholars. Most research focuses on the impact of labor <strong>in</strong>flows on theUS wage structure. Only recently has the literature begun to exam<strong>in</strong>e other receiv<strong>in</strong>gcountries or the effects on send<strong>in</strong>g economies. The US literature has been extensivelyreviewed elsewhere (see Borjas, 1999a; Card, 2005). I summarize thecurrent state of the debate and identify questions that are central to resolv<strong>in</strong>g it.Research us<strong>in</strong>g data on the national US labor market suggests that immigrationdepresses wages for US workers. Borjas (2003) def<strong>in</strong>es labor markets at the nationallevel accord<strong>in</strong>g to a worker’s education and labor market experience. Overthe period 1960 to 2000, education–experience cells <strong>in</strong> which immigrant laborsupply growth has been larger—such as for young high school dropouts—havehad slower wage growth, even after controll<strong>in</strong>g for education or experience-specificwage shocks. The evidence is consistent with immigration hav<strong>in</strong>g depressedwages for low-skilled US workers (as well as for some high-skilled workers). Theconcern about this approach is that it might confound immigration with otherlabor market shocks that have hurt low-skilled workers, such as skill-biased technologicalchange. Absent controls for these other shocks, one cannot be sure thatthe attributed wage changes are really due to immigration.Apply<strong>in</strong>g a similar nationallevel approach to Canada, Aydemir and Borjas(1997) f<strong>in</strong>d comparable evidence of the wage effects of migration. In Canada,where immigration is dom<strong>in</strong>ated by workers at the top end of the skill distribution,immigration is negatively correlated with wages across education–experiencecells, with more-educated workers be<strong>in</strong>g the ones who have suffered thelargest wage effects. S<strong>in</strong>ce Canada is presumably subject to many of the sametechnology shocks as the United States, it would not appear that unobservedtechnology shocks could expla<strong>in</strong> away the wage effects of immigration <strong>in</strong> bothcountries. Moreover, the national-level approach yields comparable results of thewage effects of migration <strong>in</strong> send<strong>in</strong>g countries. Mishra (2007) f<strong>in</strong>ds a positivecorrelation between emigration and wages across education–experience cells <strong>in</strong>Mexico. In Mexico, emigrants come disproportionately from the middle of theskill distribution, mean<strong>in</strong>g workers with close to average levels of education arethose who have had the largest wage ga<strong>in</strong>s from labor outflows. Aydemir andBorjas (1997) obta<strong>in</strong> similar results and also f<strong>in</strong>d that the elasticity of wages withrespect to labor supply is roughly similar <strong>in</strong> Canada, Mexico, and the UnitedStates. In all three countries, a 10 per cent change <strong>in</strong> labor supply due to migrationis associated with a 4 to 6 per cent change <strong>in</strong> wages.

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