While the boom defense-arresting gear deal showed the limits of theexchanges between the two navies on the eve of the war, the situation wouldbegin to change substantially once the war began. For example, a week after thewar began, the British Naval Attaché, CAPT Curzon-Howe, requested detailsfrom the U.S. on its HF/DF network, stating the British were prepared toexchange full details of their network in exchange. 158 Anderson agreed to thisexchange, although he made it clear that the U.S. was not prepared to exchangethe intelligence derived from this source to the British, but rather merely thestructure of the network. 159British Attitudes on <strong>Intelligence</strong> ExchangeSeptember 1939 to May 1940Despite the qualified success of the boom defense-arresting gear deal, thecommencement of the war in September 1939 would make the sharing of intelligencemore difficult. As Patrick Beesly has noted, “[f]or the first six months ofthe war both sides were anxious to receive but loath to give” information to theother side. 160 With respect to the British, many authors have cited security concernsas the main reason for their reluctance to share intelligence. 161 The archivaldata clearly show that security was the main British concern and that it had a significantimpact on intelligence cooperation during the first months of the war.When reflecting on this period, CAPT Kirk remembered that obtaining informationon the new German magnetic mine was a primary intelligence objective ofhis office. The British were reluctant to tell the U.S. anything about the mine duringthe first month of the war “because they didn’t think our security in Washingtonwas good enough to prevent the Germans finding out what they knew.” 162Kirk’s letters to his superiors during this period also reflect his growing frustrationwith the British. In January of 1940, he and his men had considerable difficultygetting anything from the Admiralty and they were told, in confidence, thatporous U.S. security was the reason. When Kirk confronted Godfrey with thisproblem, he was shown an article in the Army & Navy Register that clearly indicatedmonies allocated for harbor defenses were to purchase netting and other158L. Curzon-Howe, CAPT, Royal Navy, Naval Attaché, Letter to Rear Admiral Walter S.Anderson, USN, Director of Naval <strong>Intelligence</strong>, 8 September 1939, DNI Correspondence.159 Walter S. Anderson, RADM, USN, Director of Naval <strong>Intelligence</strong>, Letter to Captain L. Curzon-Howe,M.V.O., Royal Navy, Naval Attaché, 25 September 1939, DNI Correspondence. Thefirst exchange occurred in the spring of 1940 when two U.S. Navy personnel visited the British HF/DF site at Bermuda where they observed “British operations, net procedures, and the employmentof fixed antenna equipment.” For additional information see Bray, xviii.160 Beesly, Very Special Admiral, 174.161 Zimmerman, 47-48; Leutze, “Technology and Bargaining,” 54.162 Kirk Reminiscences, 143.47
gear designed by the British. Although this was the only leak Godfrey could pointto, Kirk noted that the widespread perception of lax U.S. security would be difficultto overcome. 163Kirk acknowledged to his superiors that the British attitude toward U.S.security was not universal. In February 1940 he had a long conversation withGodfrey, one of the few extended conversations he had had with the DNIsince the start of the war. In that conversation, Kirk appealed to Godfrey toprovide more information to the U.S. because it would be in the best interestsof the British to have an America prepared for war. Godfrey confidentiallytold Kirk that he had been advocating increased sharing of information withinhis own government, because he also believed it to be in Britain’s long terminterest to have America prepared. Godfrey, however, was hamstrung by thepolicies of the Royal Navy’s technical divisions, which did not favor sharinginformation with the Americans, even though they could point to no concreteevidence of U.S. security lapses. Kirk felt Godfrey was sincere and recommendedto his superiors that one way to break the logjam would be for theU.S. to more expeditiously provide requested information and intelligence tothe British, a policy Godfrey advised him would be most helpful for fosteringcooperation. Kirk made it clear to Godfrey, though, that 1940 was an electionyear in the U.S. and domestic political concerns significantly impacted theamount of cooperation the U.S. could provide. 164As late as April 1940, despite the fact the British had begun to provide the U.S.with more intelligence, Kirk was still dissatisfied with the amount and pace ofexchange between the two countries and he confronted Godfrey about the problem.The report Kirk wrote following that conversation was significant, as itpointed to other concerns the British had with regard to the sharing of information,concerns having little to do with security. Although Kirk was aware thatGodfrey was personally doing what he could to provide more information to theAmericans, he intentionally prodded Godfrey, who had just complimented theU.S. on the decision to redeploy its fleet to Hawaii, by telling him that the fleetwould be a lot better prepared if the U.S. had the secret of degaussing. 165 Godfreywas incensed and the tirade he unleashed on Kirk is worth quoting at some length163 Alan Goodrich Kirk, CAPT, USN, Letter to Rear Admiral Walter S. Anderson, USN, Directorof Naval <strong>Intelligence</strong>, 22 January 1940, Kirk Papers, 1-2.164 Alan Goodrich Kirk, CAPT, USN, Letter to Rear Admiral Walter S. Anderson, USN, Directorof Naval <strong>Intelligence</strong>, 6 February, 1940, Kirk Papers, 1-3.165 Alan Goodrich Kirk, CAPT, USN, Letter to Rear Admiral Walter S. Anderson, USN, Directorof Naval <strong>Intelligence</strong>, 24 April 1940, Kirk Papers, 1. Cited hereafter as Kirk, Letter to Anderson,24 April 1940. Degaussing refers to the process of reducing a ship’s magnetic signature through theuse of electrically charged coils embedded within the ship’s hull.48
- Page 1 and 2:
COURTING A RELUCTANT ALLYAn Evaluat
- Page 4:
The Joint Military Intelligence Col
- Page 8 and 9: FOREWORDTo most Americans alive tod
- Page 10 and 11: PROLOGUESince World War II, the Uni
- Page 12 and 13: Chapter 1THE STATUS OF INTELLIGENCE
- Page 14 and 15: action, a propaganda unit, or an ec
- Page 16 and 17: officers assisted by 20 civilian cl
- Page 18 and 19: ships in violation of treaty limits
- Page 20 and 21: assessments. By 1941, ONI was releg
- Page 22 and 23: might bear on their work.” 39 As
- Page 24 and 25: ility over time, its operational in
- Page 26 and 27: Chapter 2U.S.-UK RELATIONS, 1914-19
- Page 28 and 29: told by the Chief of Naval Operatio
- Page 30 and 31: ups of the early 20th century. 65 T
- Page 32 and 33: firmly believed that British polici
- Page 34: ecame one of the primary sources of
- Page 37 and 38: of shoring up their strategic weakn
- Page 39 and 40: mon framework for negotiation with
- Page 43 and 44: assuaged British concerns about the
- Page 45 and 46: In the area of intelligence exchang
- Page 47 and 48: clear to the Americans that if they
- Page 49 and 50: in his mind worked against closer c
- Page 51 and 52: praised the fighting spirit of the
- Page 53 and 54: through November of 1940 persuaded
- Page 55 and 56: and Great Britain. His principalcon
- Page 57: eceived by the British and from the
- Page 61 and 62: American Attitudes On Intelligence
- Page 63 and 64: information did have an impact on K
- Page 65 and 66: the affair. 183 This lack of resent
- Page 67 and 68: tion exchanges. Even more significa
- Page 69 and 70: nation (BSC) mission, is now availa
- Page 71 and 72: good will and encouraged greater co
- Page 73 and 74: would merely show Donovan “the be
- Page 75 and 76: Lothian passed Hill’s proposal to
- Page 77 and 78: still a powerful influence. While Z
- Page 79 and 80: Since the Tizard Mission had only a
- Page 81 and 82: appropriating large increases to th
- Page 83 and 84: the French, a point which would not
- Page 85 and 86: equested that RADM Ghormley remain
- Page 87 and 88: when he [Pott] comes to O.N.I. he i
- Page 89 and 90: it was not official U.S. policy. St
- Page 91 and 92: efforts that had begun with the Sta
- Page 93 and 94: high-level ABC-1 staff talks which
- Page 95 and 96: to successfully interpret the instr
- Page 97 and 98: to little more than a nebulous stat
- Page 99 and 100: to offer.” 319 Others in the Brit
- Page 101 and 102: Operational Intelligence Cooperatio
- Page 103 and 104: Godfrey’s main concern was most l
- Page 105 and 106: possesses complementary capabilitie
- Page 107 and 108: 2. Be prepared to give something of
- Page 109 and 110:
had in forming its own Joint Intell
- Page 112 and 113:
GLOSSARYABC-1ALUSNALondonBGENBSCCAP
- Page 114 and 115:
APPENDIX AA NOTE ON SOURCESArchival
- Page 116:
APPENDIX BMAJOR EVENTS IN U.S.-UK I
- Page 119 and 120:
________. Foreign Relations of the
- Page 121 and 122:
________. “The Secret of the Chur
- Page 123 and 124:
Zacharias, Ellis M., CAPT, USN. Sec
- Page 126 and 127:
INDEXAABC-1 Talks 41, 57, 74-75, 78
- Page 128 and 129:
IImagery Intelligence (IMINT) 12, 8
- Page 130 and 131:
Signals Intelligence(SIGINT) 2-3, 7
- Page 132:
PCN 53512ISBN 0-9656195-9-1