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sions), its airspace, and its territorial waters and is<br />

much more concerned with addressing strategic challenges<br />

to the UK at those challenges’ point of origin.<br />

In his introduction to the 1998 Strategic Defence Review<br />

(SDR), then-secretary of state for defense George Robertson<br />

argued that “[i]n the post-Cold War world, we<br />

must be prepared to go to the crisis, rather than have<br />

the crisis come to us.” 2 This notion of self defense at<br />

arm’s length subsequently became a leitmotif in UK<br />

national strategy, attracting bipartisan consensus.<br />

The first and most obvious indicator of the strength<br />

and scope of UK hard power is the amount Her Majesty’s<br />

Government spends on the country’s military<br />

force posture. The next indicator is capabilities: the<br />

platforms, equipment, weaponry, and personnel necessary<br />

for military commitments and for what are now<br />

described as expeditionary operations. Hard power is<br />

also reputational, concerned with the nation’s experience<br />

with military operations and those operations’<br />

effectiveness. Finally, hard power is the expression of<br />

foreign policy outlook and strategic intent.<br />

Although national strategy is concerned with the<br />

future, a nation’s strategic posture—particularly its<br />

hard power—cannot develop in an instant and must<br />

evolve over time. This chapter covers the 15-year period<br />

from July 1998 to December 2013, beginning with<br />

the publication of the newly elected Labour Party government’s<br />

SDR, which marked the beginning of a new,<br />

genuinely post-Cold War era in strategic UK thinking.<br />

UK MILITARY EXPENDITURE<br />

Military expenditure can be surprisingly difficult<br />

to track, as accounting procedures change from time<br />

to time. Nevertheless, it offers some indication of a<br />

country’s intentions and seriousness.<br />

259

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