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ANNUAL REPORT

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28<br />

tional order—both before and after the United States initiated the<br />

Rebalance—remains a key point of friction between the two countries<br />

and their respective visions for the region.<br />

In economic terms, China has worked over the course of the Rebalance<br />

to create new institutions such as the Asian Infrastructure<br />

Investment Bank to enhance its role in regional economic development.<br />

It has also sought to establish new trade agreements such<br />

as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and bilateral<br />

free trade agreements with U.S. allies such as Japan, Australia,<br />

and South Korea. These agreements may lessen the negative trade<br />

distortion effects on China that might arise if TPP were approved<br />

and impose fewer constraints on China than would a U.S.-led trade<br />

agreement, due to their weaker provisions. China has also sought to<br />

place itself at the center of a new network of regional infrastructure<br />

projects by pledging massive resources to its OBOR initiative.<br />

Conclusions<br />

• U.S. government statements have tied the Rebalance strategy<br />

to the upholding of the “liberal, rules-based international order”<br />

in the Asia Pacific, viewing the preservation of this order<br />

as broadly aligning with U.S. interests. It represents a tactical<br />

adjustment rather than a strategic shift in U.S. policy, seeking<br />

to maintain U.S. commitments to the region in an era of new<br />

challenges to these interests.<br />

• Although China has voiced measured criticism of the Rebalance<br />

in official statements, opposition at other levels indicates<br />

a deeply negative perception overall. China has also<br />

expressed support for alternative regional security and economic<br />

frameworks, pursued coercive actions against neighboring<br />

countries in violation of its international commitments,<br />

and sought to promote its own free trade agreements<br />

since the Rebalance began.<br />

• China alternately supports or challenges the international order<br />

based on varying interests, a point of friction in the Asia<br />

Pacific, where proximity and core territorial interests factor into<br />

Beijing’s views. China’s current leaders probably do not have<br />

foreign policy goals that are fundamentally different from those<br />

in the past, but are more assertive in making tactical decisions.<br />

These observations shed light on why Beijing has undertaken<br />

its current regional approach.<br />

• The United States has attempted to emphasize that the Rebalance<br />

is focused on upholding principles, not on countering<br />

China for its own sake.<br />

• To date, the Trans-Pacific Partnership is the only fully-developed<br />

significant economic component under the Rebalance. By<br />

its very nature as a free trade agreement, it does not address all<br />

U.S. economic interests and objectives in the region.<br />

• Other economic initiatives under the Rebalance have been relatively<br />

small. Trade with Asia has increased under the Rebalance,<br />

and U.S. trade with China has grown faster than in other<br />

Asian countries.

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