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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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194 RECEPTION OF FATHER AND SON<br />

The Second Sophistic <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Macedonian Past<br />

Recent scholarship has borrowed Philostratus’ term “Second Sophistic”<br />

for those classicizing writers who fl ourished under <strong>the</strong> philhellenic<br />

emperors from <strong>the</strong> mid-fi rst to <strong>the</strong> mid-third century A.D. 8 Admittedly<br />

<strong>the</strong>y are a varied group, but we have good reason to classify <strong>the</strong>m<br />

toge<strong>the</strong>r: each articulated his sense of being Greek under <strong>the</strong> Roman<br />

Empire with regard to his status as a pepaideumenos, or a man possessed<br />

of paideia. The latter word encompassed a somewhat subjective<br />

<strong>and</strong> variable range of positive attributes that amounted to cultural<br />

<strong>and</strong> ethical aretē, which replaced traditional warrior aretē for elite<br />

imperial subjects who had no Greek wars left to fi ght. 9 Paideia was<br />

<strong>the</strong> Greek bailiwick to counter <strong>the</strong> perceived one of <strong>the</strong> Romans—<br />

military power. And yet <strong>the</strong> unavoidable fact is that <strong>the</strong>se Greeks<br />

were Romans: Roman citizens, Roman senators; <strong>and</strong> some, like Arrian,<br />

even held leadership roles in <strong>the</strong> Roman army.<br />

For writers wishing to test a combination of Greek <strong>and</strong> Roman<br />

aretē, Alex<strong>and</strong>er was an ideal medium. Like <strong>the</strong> philhellene emperors<br />

who were promoting <strong>the</strong> sophists’ activities, Alex<strong>and</strong>er—with his<br />

ancestral links to Achilles <strong>and</strong> Heracles, love of Homer, education by<br />

Aristotle, <strong>and</strong> conquest of <strong>the</strong> Greeks’ greatest enemy—could be seen<br />

as a “Greek” imperialist. Thus he was a means by which a writer<br />

might articulate his sense of existing between Greek culture <strong>and</strong><br />

Roman power <strong>and</strong> ultimately relate this to his individual conception<br />

of paideia. 10 Very few writers, however, took advantage of this possibility.<br />

There was an entire range of reactions to <strong>Philip</strong> <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er<br />

in <strong>the</strong> Second Sophistic. This includes total rejection, as with Aelius<br />

Aristides. 11 Anecdotal writers like Pausanias <strong>and</strong> A<strong>the</strong>naeus, on <strong>the</strong><br />

o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, mined <strong>the</strong> Hellenistic sources for juicy stories about<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er, <strong>Philip</strong>, <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Macedonian kings, but did not seem to<br />

have any specifi c ideological use for <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

Why some writers <strong>and</strong> not o<strong>the</strong>rs? Answering this question with<br />

an admittedly broad stroke, what seems to distinguish writers like<br />

Aristides, Pausanias, <strong>and</strong> A<strong>the</strong>naeus from Dio, Plutarch, <strong>and</strong> Arrian<br />

is that, unlike <strong>the</strong> latter writers, <strong>the</strong>y show no urge to associate paideia<br />

with militarism—that is, to luxuriate in <strong>the</strong> idea of “Greek”<br />

world-conquest. One anecdotal writer, however, gives a hint as to<br />

why <strong>the</strong> Macedonian past might be important to a Second Sophistic<br />

writer even without an idealized Alex<strong>and</strong>er. This is Polyaenus, who<br />

wrote <strong>the</strong> Stratagems. He alone of Second Sophistic writers specifi -<br />

cally confl ates his panhellenic stance with his “Macedonian” identity<br />

12 —<strong>and</strong> this in a book dedicated to Antoninus Pius <strong>and</strong> Verus,

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