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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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NOTES TO PAGES 9–11 235<br />

2006: 155 n. 104 observes, assuming Pixodarus was aware of A rrhidaeus’<br />

limitations (evidently responsible for his characteristic passivity), he<br />

may have looked favorably at this situation since it meant that<br />

Pixodarus’ daughter would assume <strong>the</strong> dominant position in governing<br />

Caria, thus perpetuating <strong>the</strong> practice of rule by Hecatomnid<br />

females.<br />

21. Heckel 1981b: 54.<br />

22. Whitehorne 1994: 37.<br />

23. Adapted from translation by Perrin 1928.<br />

24. Demos<strong>the</strong>nes (18. 294–96) rails against Demaratus (among o<strong>the</strong>rs)<br />

for his early, traitorous support of <strong>Philip</strong>—his philippismos, to use Demos<strong>the</strong>nes’<br />

word. Certainly collapse of <strong>Philip</strong>’s power would have entailed<br />

great danger for Demaratus <strong>and</strong> his haste to admonish <strong>Philip</strong> <strong>and</strong> facilitate<br />

termination of potentially debilitating strife in <strong>the</strong> Argead house is<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>able.<br />

25. Thus Carney 2003a: 235.<br />

26. <strong>Philip</strong> was certainly reminded of <strong>the</strong> dissension within <strong>the</strong> Argead<br />

house following <strong>the</strong> death of his fa<strong>the</strong>r Amyntas <strong>II</strong>I <strong>and</strong> would want at all<br />

costs to avoid actual hostilities which might fragment Macedon as internecine<br />

confl ict had in <strong>the</strong> 360s. Mortensen 1992: 56–71 provides a good<br />

description of <strong>the</strong> situation at that time.<br />

27. All Plutarch probably really knew was that <strong>Philip</strong> <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er<br />

were reconciled. Since <strong>the</strong> rift had originated with Attalus’ implied disparagement<br />

of Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s lineage <strong>and</strong> <strong>Philip</strong>’s failure to protest, Plutarch<br />

imagines that <strong>the</strong> evident healing had to involve <strong>Philip</strong>’s validation of<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s lineage, which Plutarch presents in Greek terms by contrasting<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er with a “barbarian”—worse, actually, <strong>the</strong> “slave of a barbarian<br />

king.”<br />

28. Contra Hatzopoulos 1982b: 61; Arrian’s attribution ( Anab. 3.6.5) of<br />

<strong>Philip</strong>’s exile of Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s “friends” to <strong>the</strong> estrangement between P hilip<br />

<strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er because of <strong>Philip</strong>’s marriage with Cleopatra does not necessarily<br />

contradict Plutarch’s report that <strong>Philip</strong> exiled Alex<strong>and</strong>er’ friends<br />

at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> Pixodarus affair ( Alex. 10.3). The fracas at <strong>the</strong> wedding<br />

celebration was after all <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> estrangement out of which<br />

<strong>the</strong> Pixodarus affair <strong>and</strong> ultimately <strong>the</strong> banishment of Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s friends<br />

proceeded (Hamilton 1969: 27). We may imagine that in Pella prior to his<br />

fl ight to Illyria, Alex<strong>and</strong>er as crown prince had his own cadre of hetairoi<br />

paralleling that of <strong>the</strong> king <strong>and</strong> representing his own special subordinates.<br />

On hetairoi, see Heckel 2003: 205.<br />

29. On Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s (possible) complicity, see Badian 1963: 244–50<br />

<strong>and</strong> Badian 2000: 54. Carney 1992a: 169–89 provides a good discussion<br />

of ancient <strong>and</strong> modern views about Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s <strong>and</strong> Olympias’<br />

roles in P hilip’s assassination. Fredericksmeyer 1990: 300–15, follows

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