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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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NOTES TO PAGES 191–194 295<br />

7. These writers were not merely following traditions: Hellenistic<br />

writers like Polybius <strong>and</strong> Diodorus seem to have preferred <strong>Philip</strong> to his<br />

son. For Diodorus, for example, see Ian Worthington’s essay in this<br />

volume.<br />

8. General assessments: Bowersock 1969; Bowie 1974; Reardon 1971;<br />

Anderson 1993; Gleason 1995; Swain 1996; Schmitz 1997; Whitmarsh<br />

2001. See also <strong>the</strong> volume of essays edited by Goldhill (2001).<br />

9. Whereas in <strong>the</strong> Archaic period of Greece, for example, a person<br />

might prove his Greekness by stating his lineage (like Alex<strong>and</strong>er I of<br />

Macedon did when he wanted to qualify for <strong>the</strong> Olympics: Herodotus<br />

5.22, 9.45; see Borza 1982; Badian 1982b; Borza 1999: 27–50), in <strong>the</strong><br />

empire he would be more inclined to do so by giving an excellent declamatory<br />

speech in <strong>the</strong> style of Demos<strong>the</strong>nes, for which he would receive<br />

kleos, or glory.<br />

10. Graham Anderson’s suggestion that Greeks could make “<strong>the</strong>ir” subjugation<br />

by Alex<strong>and</strong>er <strong>and</strong> <strong>Philip</strong> “a very great virtue by necessity” rightly<br />

hints at <strong>the</strong> analogy between <strong>the</strong>se two powers (1993: 119), as do o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />

(see Asirvatham 2005: 109 n. 8). But Anderson’s view that <strong>the</strong> Macedonian<br />

hegemony is something <strong>the</strong>y could only hedgingly accept assumes<br />

that Second Sophistic writers were compelled to tackle particular subjects<br />

by <strong>the</strong> classicizing impulse. By contrast, I believe that Alex<strong>and</strong>er<br />

<strong>and</strong>/or <strong>Philip</strong> are useful as idealized fi gures only inasmuch as <strong>the</strong>y help a<br />

writer claim “Greek” authority on <strong>the</strong> Roman province of power.<br />

11. Aristides wrote two anti-<strong>Philip</strong> orations carefully wrought from<br />

a series of Demos<strong>the</strong>nean slurs (itself an unusual sign of interest in<br />

<strong>Philip</strong>, <strong>and</strong> a sign of extreme Atticism); elsewhere in Aristides’ speeches,<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er gets credit for founding Alex<strong>and</strong>ria, but little else. For<br />

Aristides, Macedonian history is a foil to <strong>the</strong> superior might of Rome<br />

(Asirvatham 2008).<br />

12. Polyaenus, Strat. 1, praef. See Krentz <strong>and</strong> Wheeler 1994: xii.<br />

13. <strong>Philip</strong> is not <strong>the</strong> only one whose shortcomings are criticized: Second<br />

Sophistic writers who do not idealize Alex<strong>and</strong>er are likely to take <strong>the</strong><br />

Rome-centric view that, while Alex<strong>and</strong>er was impressive, he was unable<br />

to keep his empire: see Arist. Rom. Or. 24; App. Rom., praef. 10 (where<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er <strong>and</strong> <strong>Philip</strong> of are largely spoken of as a unit).<br />

14. Strauss 1993: 33. See also Roisman 2005: 41 <strong>and</strong> n. 51 for additional<br />

bibliography.<br />

15. Not all contemporaneous genres partook in this “masking.” <strong>Son</strong>s’<br />

strong desire to subvert <strong>the</strong> potential oppression of patria potestas is<br />

refl ected by <strong>the</strong> large number of Latin declamations from 50–200 A.D. that<br />

deal with fa<strong>the</strong>r-son confl ict, especially over matters of inheritance (according<br />

to Vesley 2003 [180], over one-third of <strong>the</strong> speeches found in Seneca<br />

<strong>the</strong> Elder, Pseudo-Quintilian, Calpurnius Flaccus, <strong>and</strong> Quintilian).

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