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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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NOTES TO PAGES 178–184 293<br />

20. Far<strong>and</strong>a 1971: 16. Some number crunching: as I count it, Alex<strong>and</strong>er<br />

crops up (including in <strong>the</strong> epitomized sections) twenty-four times,<br />

outdoing all o<strong>the</strong>r challengers except Scipio Africanus Maior (forty-nine<br />

entrances), Hannibal (forty), Pompey (thirty-seven), Marius (<strong>and</strong> his legacy,<br />

twenty-nine plus fi ve), Caesar (including Diuus Iulius, twenty-four<br />

plus eight), Sulla (thirty), Scipio Africanus Minor (twenty-seven). See<br />

Bloomer 1992: 150 <strong>and</strong> Wardle 2005: 145–46 <strong>and</strong> n. 26 for slightly<br />

different fi gures.<br />

21. See Bloomer 1992: 8, 9, 160–61. Cf. Walker 2004: xix.<br />

22. Maslakov 1984: 444.<br />

23. Quamquam quid attinet mores natione perpendi? in media<br />

barbaria ortus sacrilegium alienum rescidit . . . (1.1 ext. 3).<br />

24. Thirty-one instances of Carthage; twenty-eight references to<br />

Carthaginians; twenty-three instances of Poenus, <strong>and</strong> forty-eight of Punica<br />

(alternate terms for Carthage <strong>and</strong> Carthaginians).<br />

25. Livy’s Hannibal at <strong>the</strong> Colline Gate was particularly infl uential<br />

(26.10.5–6). See also Juvenal Satires 6.290; 7.161. Cf. Far<strong>and</strong>a: 1971: 23<br />

on Valerius’ Hannibal: “Basti pensare al giudizio che spesso ricorre su<br />

Annibale, considerato semplicemente e semplicisticamente un furbastro<br />

generale, e non quel gr<strong>and</strong>e implacabile stratega e tattico che fu.” (All too<br />

often, judgment of Hannibal resorts to stereotyping him simply <strong>and</strong> simplistically<br />

as a sneaky comm<strong>and</strong>er ra<strong>the</strong>r than as <strong>the</strong> great, relentless<br />

strategist <strong>and</strong> tactician that he was).<br />

26. See Spencer 2002: 14, 157–59, 168–69.<br />

27. See, e.g., Spencer 2002: 94–97 on <strong>the</strong> aftermath (Curtius 6.2.1–5).<br />

28. Only Hannibal (of Valerius’ alieni) appears more often than<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er.<br />

29. On <strong>the</strong> importance of gossip <strong>and</strong> innuendo in <strong>the</strong> Roman legal<br />

system: Dufallo 2001: 138.<br />

30. This proposal dovetails with <strong>the</strong> speculations of Schultz 2007 on<br />

<strong>Philip</strong> <strong>and</strong> Zeus: belief systems are complex <strong>and</strong> subject to nuance <strong>and</strong><br />

context.<br />

31. Mueller 2002: 95–96. Mueller draws in a different but equally telling<br />

comparison, proposing that we compare 9.5 ext. 1 with Valerius’ comments<br />

on Scipio’s conversational relationship with Capitoline Jupiter,<br />

whom he was accustomed to visit (4.1.6). See Spencer 2002: 178–79 on<br />

Scipio, Jupiter, <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er.<br />

32. On epistolary advice giving <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er: see Spencer 2006.<br />

33. Fears 1981 remains <strong>the</strong> major discussion of clementia as an imperial<br />

virtue; see also Spencer 2002: 97–112, 170–75. On Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s virtuous<br />

qualities in Valerius: Haegemans <strong>and</strong> Stoppie 2004: 149–57. On reciprocity<br />

in more general terms as a function of patronage (<strong>and</strong> power-i mbalance),<br />

see, e.g., White 1993. On advice <strong>and</strong> reciprocity: Spencer 2006.

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