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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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250 NOTES TO PAGES 44–45<br />

(see below). See Spawforth 2007a; Chaniotis 1997 on <strong>the</strong> growing<br />

<strong>the</strong>atricality of Greek public life in <strong>the</strong> Hellenistic period. Chaniotis<br />

1997: 236 suggests that Alex<strong>and</strong>er was probably <strong>the</strong> model for Hellenistic<br />

kings, whereas Spawforth 2007a prefers <strong>Philip</strong>.<br />

5. Chaniotis 1997: 224.<br />

6. E.g., Patterson 1998.<br />

7. Connelly 2007 passim, but especially 117–195; Dillon 2002: 79–80;<br />

Goff 2004.<br />

8. For instance, Jameson 1990; Goldberg 1999; Nevett 1999.<br />

9. Llewellyn-Jones 2003.<br />

10. E.g. Redfi eld 2003 or Pomeroy 2002.<br />

11. Carney 1991: 168, n. 38, 2000a: 33.<br />

12. Carney 2006: 16–17. Mortensen 1997: 30, n. 189 thinks Plutarch<br />

understood <strong>the</strong>se as epi<strong>the</strong>ts or nicknames, not literal name changes contra<br />

Heckel 1981a: 82.<br />

13. Adea’s adoption of “Eurydice” is <strong>the</strong> only certain example, but<br />

o<strong>the</strong>rs are possible. See Carney 1991: 159–60, especially n. 30. See also<br />

Heckel 1978: 155–58; Badian 1982a.<br />

14. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2000: 387–89,392–403 discusses two dedicatory<br />

inscriptions found at Vergina in <strong>the</strong> area of <strong>the</strong> Eucleia temple, one<br />

found in <strong>the</strong> wider Vergina area, <strong>and</strong> an inscription preserved imperfectly<br />

by Plut. Mor. 13b. On <strong>the</strong> Plutarch inscription, see Le Bohec-Bouhet 2006:<br />

190–92.<br />

15. Charneux 1966: 178; Carney 2000a: 50–51. See fur<strong>the</strong>r below.<br />

16. Schaps 1977.<br />

17. Hyp. 4. 19, 20, 24; Aeschin. 2.27, 3.223.<br />

18. Naming cities after royal women also gave <strong>the</strong>m a public presence,<br />

but <strong>the</strong> Successors initiated this practice, not <strong>the</strong> Argeads; Carney 2000a:<br />

207–09.<br />

19. Greenwalt 1988: 42.<br />

20. SEG IX 2. Rhodes <strong>and</strong> Osborne 2003, 2007: 486–93 date <strong>the</strong>m to<br />

330–26 <strong>and</strong> suggest that <strong>the</strong> grain distribution was at least partly political<br />

in motivation. See also Laronde 1987: 30–34. The grain distributions<br />

were probably not free gifts from Cyrene, but ra<strong>the</strong>r purchased by those<br />

listed. Olympias <strong>and</strong> her daughter Cleopatra may have acted on <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />

initiative <strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong>ir own funds or for Alex<strong>and</strong>er <strong>and</strong> with his funds<br />

(Carney 2006: 51). However, <strong>the</strong> commemoration refers only to <strong>the</strong>m, not<br />

him.<br />

21. See references above, n. 14.<br />

22. See Dillon 2007: 65; see also Carney 2000b: 26–28.<br />

23. See Carney 2000b: 26–27 <strong>and</strong> Dillon 2007: 65 for discussion <strong>and</strong><br />

references.<br />

24. Kron 1996: 140–41.

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