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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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234 NOTES TO PAGES 5–9<br />

may have transferred troops under his comm<strong>and</strong> to Artaxerxes for use in<br />

<strong>the</strong> Cadusian War before <strong>Philip</strong>’s attack on Perinthus, so <strong>the</strong>se would not<br />

have been available for use against <strong>Philip</strong> in 340. See Diod. 16.50.7.<br />

Debord 1999: 420 is skeptical about Hecatomnid involvement in <strong>the</strong><br />

defense of Perinthus <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r sites at this time because of <strong>the</strong> absence of<br />

any direct evidence.<br />

7. There were Hecatomnid garrisons in Rhodes <strong>and</strong> Cos, at least in <strong>the</strong><br />

350s: Diod. 15.3, 27; Ruzicka 1992: 92–93.<br />

8. Ruzicka 1992: 127–28.<br />

9. On <strong>the</strong>se fi gures, see Debord 1999 104, 419, 421; Ruzicka 1985:<br />

84–87.<br />

10. Mentor disappears from sources entirely after Diodorus’ mention<br />

of his dispatch of mercenaries, <strong>and</strong> Memnon is henceforth leading fi gure<br />

in <strong>the</strong> region, see Beloch 1922: 603; Debord 1999: 435.<br />

11. Hamilton 1969: 25; Heckel 2006: s.v. “Aristocritus.”<br />

12. Scholars unanimously accept Plutarch’s presentation of <strong>the</strong> affair<br />

as starting with an approach to <strong>Philip</strong> by Pixodarus. Proposed dates for<br />

that event range from “later in 337” (after Alex<strong>and</strong>er returned from I llyria)<br />

(Worthington 2004: 29) <strong>and</strong> “perhaps in winter of 337/6” (Worthington<br />

2003a: 92; French <strong>and</strong> Dixon 1986: 76) to “not before <strong>the</strong> end of spring<br />

336” (Hatzopoulos 1982b: 61). 337/6 .<br />

13. Carney 2000a: 54 attributes <strong>the</strong> remarks about fi ghting war through<br />

marriage to A<strong>the</strong>naeus himself ra<strong>the</strong>r than Satyrus.<br />

14. Nowhere in Alex. 10.1–3 does Plutarch explicitly state that Pixodarus<br />

initiated contact with Alex<strong>and</strong>er <strong>and</strong> was <strong>the</strong> fi rst to propose a marriage<br />

alliance. Plutarch states only that Pixodarus wished to “slip into” an alliance<br />

through a marriage <strong>and</strong> for that purpose sent Aristocritus to <strong>Philip</strong>.<br />

That could well describe Pixodarus’ response to <strong>Philip</strong>’s offer, <strong>and</strong> it may be<br />

that Plutarch simply started his account with Aristocritus’ journey to Pella,<br />

since it was <strong>the</strong> quarrel that subsequently occurred <strong>the</strong>re that interested<br />

Plutarch, not any of <strong>the</strong> details of <strong>the</strong> sequence of diplomatic exchanges.<br />

15. Worthington 2003a: 92 can serve to represent this scholarly consensus.<br />

16. Thus French <strong>and</strong> Dixon 1986: 77–80, who are alone in having <strong>the</strong><br />

Pixodarus affair begin (with Pixodarus’ supposedly initial overture) while<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er was still in Illyria.<br />

17. Heckel 1981b: 54.<br />

18. Contra Carney 1992a: 177–78, who characterizes Alex<strong>and</strong>er’s exile<br />

as “not lengthy” <strong>and</strong> refers to <strong>the</strong> probability of Olympias’ “relatively<br />

rapid return from exile.”<br />

19. Carney 2003a: 228–29.<br />

20. Perhaps also on Arrhidaeus’ mental disability, probably some<br />

degree of mental retardation (Carney 2001: 77–79). However, as C arney

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