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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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74 PHILIP AND ALEXANDER AT WAR<br />

This celebration of <strong>Philip</strong> <strong>and</strong> of his achievements refl ected not<br />

only <strong>the</strong> image that <strong>the</strong> king planned to convey but also <strong>the</strong> aspiration<br />

of Isocrates <strong>and</strong> his school to streng<strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong>ir bond with <strong>the</strong> Macedonian<br />

sovereign. This is made clear by <strong>the</strong> similar attempts of <strong>the</strong> Platonic<br />

school that, in <strong>the</strong> years following <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> war, also tried<br />

to celebrate <strong>and</strong> fl atter <strong>the</strong> victorious king. In his letter to <strong>Philip</strong>, in 343<br />

B.C., <strong>the</strong> philosopher Speusippus, head of <strong>the</strong> Academy after Plato’s<br />

death, showed how <strong>the</strong> vengeance <strong>the</strong>me was one of <strong>the</strong> main ideological<br />

issues used to build consensus in favor of <strong>the</strong> king. Speusippus<br />

wanted to facilitate <strong>the</strong> access of his disciple Antipater of Magnesia to<br />

<strong>the</strong> Macedonian court. In order to achieve this, he tried to shed a bad<br />

light on Isocrates, who had written a speech addressed to <strong>Philip</strong> in 346<br />

B.C., 43 but also on Theopompus who didn’t deserve, in his opinion, to<br />

be at <strong>the</strong> Macedonian court. 44 The philosopher, drawing on Antipater’s<br />

work, coupled <strong>the</strong> vengeance motif in <strong>the</strong> Third Sacred War to A<strong>the</strong>ns’<br />

mythical past <strong>and</strong> to <strong>the</strong> First Sacred War when, according to him,<br />

Apollo, Heracles, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r Amphictyons had defeated <strong>the</strong><br />

Phlegyans, Driopians, <strong>and</strong> Crisaeans <strong>and</strong> had determined <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

exclusion from <strong>the</strong> Amphictiony. 45 He stressed Apollo’s action <strong>and</strong><br />

those of his allies, but omitted <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ft of Apollo’s tripod by Heracles,<br />

<strong>the</strong> forefa<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong> Argead dynasty. That was <strong>the</strong> only way to glorify<br />

<strong>Philip</strong>’s punishment of <strong>the</strong> Phocians as being like that of Heracles <strong>and</strong><br />

also to promote Antipater’s position in <strong>the</strong> Macedonian court. It was,<br />

however, a distortion of <strong>the</strong> facts, a device he used in o<strong>the</strong>r passages of<br />

his writing. Like Demos<strong>the</strong>nes, Speusippus mentioned Alex<strong>and</strong>er I of<br />

Macedonia but, against <strong>the</strong> orator’s version <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Herodotean tradition,<br />

he portrayed Alex<strong>and</strong>er I as a defender of <strong>the</strong> Greeks during <strong>the</strong><br />

Persian Wars. 46 Speusippus ascribed to Heracles, forefa<strong>the</strong>r of <strong>the</strong><br />

Argead dynasty, possession of <strong>the</strong> towns of Amphipolis <strong>and</strong> Olynthus,<br />

<strong>the</strong>reby implying that <strong>Philip</strong> had legitimately regained possession of<br />

<strong>the</strong>se towns. 47 He also made Heracles a citizen of A<strong>the</strong>ns because of<br />

his adoption by Pilius, using an obscure <strong>and</strong> scarcely verifi able tradition<br />

to establish a connection between <strong>the</strong> king <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians. 48<br />

The propag<strong>and</strong>a about <strong>the</strong> Third Sacred War wasn’t only orchestrated<br />

by <strong>the</strong> intellectuals. <strong>Philip</strong> himself initially made his contribution<br />

<strong>and</strong> supported it with some of his actions. In 352 B.C., he ordered<br />

his soldiers to crown <strong>the</strong>ir brows with laurel <strong>and</strong> on two o<strong>the</strong>r occasions<br />

he defended his image as advocate of divine justice. In 352 B.C.,<br />

as Justin notes, after punishing <strong>the</strong> Greek towns of Thessaly, who had<br />

supported <strong>the</strong> Phocians, he tried to cancel out <strong>the</strong> bad reputation ( ad<br />

abolendam invidiae famam) that his actions had produced. Consequently,<br />

he sent messengers to announce his intention ( qui opinionem<br />

sererent) to rebuild <strong>the</strong> walls <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> temples of <strong>the</strong>se towns. But

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