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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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NOTES TO PAGES 48–49 253<br />

56. Paspalas 2005 argues that this was <strong>the</strong> error that <strong>Philip</strong> Arrhidaeus<br />

<strong>and</strong> his h<strong>and</strong>lers made.<br />

57. See fur<strong>the</strong>r Carney 2000a: 232.<br />

58. Van Bremen 1996: 142–44.<br />

59. For <strong>the</strong> tombs once covered by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Great</strong> Tumulus at Vergina, see<br />

Drougou et al. 1996 for an up-to-date description of tomb goods. For<br />

<strong>the</strong> “Eurydice” tomb at Vergina, see Andronicos 1994: 154–61. On <strong>the</strong><br />

archaic female burials at Vergina, see Kottaridi 2004a <strong>and</strong> Lilibaki-<br />

Akamati 2004.<br />

60. See Carney 2000a: 307, n. 91 for discussion <strong>and</strong> references.<br />

61. Llewellyn-Jones 2003.<br />

62. Llewellyn-Jones 2003: 11 cites Macedonian grave reliefs from <strong>the</strong><br />

Hellenistic period that show about a third of women veiled; of course, <strong>the</strong><br />

depiction of veils <strong>and</strong> being veiled are not synonymous matters. He also<br />

notes (2003: 34) that <strong>the</strong> face veil ( tegidion) only appears in our sources<br />

in <strong>the</strong> late fourth century when it is worn in Boeotia, Macedonia, Asia<br />

Minor, <strong>and</strong> Egypt. This timing could mean that <strong>the</strong> tegidion had a Macedonian<br />

origin. Llewellyn-Jones also argues (2003: 124) that initially, as in<br />

Homer, veiling was an elite custom.<br />

63. Llewellyn-Jones 2003: 200. Tegidion, as he explains (2003: 62), literally<br />

means “little roof.”<br />

64. Dillon 2007: 64, discussing female portraiture, observes that<br />

“bodies were important because <strong>the</strong> faces were so normative” <strong>and</strong> argues<br />

that identity was displaced to <strong>the</strong> body. She also suggests (2007: 66) that<br />

<strong>the</strong> preference for marble in female statues may have resulted from <strong>the</strong><br />

variety of hues of marble <strong>and</strong> thus <strong>the</strong> possibility of illustrating <strong>the</strong> colorful,<br />

expensive nature of elites female clothing. Schultz 2007: 217 points<br />

to <strong>the</strong> heavy (thus pricey) drapery of <strong>the</strong> Vergina Eucleia statue <strong>and</strong> agrees<br />

with Dillon that costume was a defi ning aspect of early Hellenistic portraits<br />

of women.<br />

65. Connelly 2007: 87 argues that priestly dress was “associated with<br />

both royal <strong>and</strong> divine costume” <strong>and</strong> points to scepters as common attributes<br />

of priests, queens, <strong>and</strong> goddesses (<strong>and</strong> male equivalents). She speaks<br />

of priestesses imitating/impersonating <strong>the</strong> divinities to whom <strong>the</strong>y were<br />

dedicated.<br />

66. See Llewellyn-Jones 2003: 136–40 on women as conveyers/displayers<br />

of status <strong>and</strong> wealth. Van Bremen 1996: 142 comments “it is hard<br />

to overestimate ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> sumptuousness <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>atricality of an elite<br />

woman’s appearance, or <strong>the</strong> extent of <strong>the</strong>ir visibility on <strong>the</strong> public stage.”<br />

Dillon 2007: 76 deduces that that female statues, since <strong>the</strong>y showed more<br />

costume detail <strong>and</strong> color than male images, would have attracted more<br />

attention. She also notes (2007: 79) that, thanks to concern for modesty as<br />

well as display, women had to be covered yet conspicuous.

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