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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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290 NOTES TO PAGES 167–170<br />

continue until 2013.) Translations of all primary sources are in Robinson<br />

1953: i; cf. Worthington 2003a. For discussion, see Pearson 1960.<br />

17. On <strong>the</strong> sources for Alex<strong>and</strong>er, see Bosworth 1988b; cf. Baynham<br />

2003.<br />

18. See Sacks 1990 <strong>and</strong> Green 2006; see also Sacks 1994 <strong>and</strong> H ammond<br />

1983.<br />

19. Theopompus, FGrH 115 F27. On Theopompus, see Flower 1994,<br />

especially chapters 5–6 on Theopompus <strong>and</strong> <strong>Philip</strong>.<br />

20. Many of <strong>the</strong> allegations must be taken with a pinch of salt. There is,<br />

for example, no proof that <strong>Philip</strong> was a pederast: see Worthington 2008:<br />

70.<br />

21. Dem. 1.5, 8.40, 19.265 <strong>and</strong> 342, 18.48, for example.<br />

22. Cf. Diod. 16.93.3–4, Justin 8.6.5–8, 9.8.6–7.<br />

23. This passage is one of several that has been wrongly interpreted to<br />

mean that <strong>Philip</strong> sought divine honors in his lifetime or was accorded<br />

<strong>the</strong>m: see fur<strong>the</strong>r, Worthington 2008: 228–33.<br />

24. On <strong>Philip</strong>’s preference for diplomacy over military might, <strong>and</strong> his<br />

use of diplomacy, see Ryder 1994; cf. Cawkwell 1996.<br />

25. Arr. 7.9.2–5; cf. Curt. 10.2.23–4.3. The historicity of <strong>the</strong> speech is<br />

suspect; cf. Bosworth 1988b: 101–13. On <strong>the</strong> background to <strong>the</strong> Opis mutiny,<br />

see Bosworth 1988a: 159–61 <strong>and</strong> Worthington 2004: 248–52.<br />

26. For a convenient summary of <strong>the</strong>ir legacies, cf. Worthington 2008:<br />

204–08; on <strong>Philip</strong>’s achievements, see ibid. pp. 194–203.<br />

27. On <strong>the</strong> Lamian War, see Hammond <strong>and</strong> Walbank 1988: 107–17, for<br />

example.<br />

28. Cf. Bosworth 1986; contra Billows 1995: 183–212.<br />

29. The phrase is diffi cult to translate precisely; literally it would<br />

mean “to do with (?according to) (<strong>the</strong>) war” but <strong>the</strong> fi rst six marriages<br />

were not <strong>the</strong> product of one military engagement. On <strong>Philip</strong>’s marriages<br />

see fur<strong>the</strong>r Tronson 1984 <strong>and</strong> Worthington 2008: 172–74, both also discussing<br />

this phrase. Very good arguments for <strong>Philip</strong>’s seventh marriage to<br />

Cleopatra being for a political reason, ra<strong>the</strong>r than for a personal reason,<br />

as is commonly accepted, are put forward by Carney 2000: 73–74.<br />

30. Arr. 4.19.5, Plut. Alex. 47.7–8; on <strong>the</strong> political nature of <strong>the</strong><br />

marriage, see Worthington 2004: 188–90.<br />

31. Ptolemy, FGrH 138 F30 = Arr. 7.26.3, Diod. 17.117.4.<br />

32. Cf. Hammond 1993c.<br />

33. [Plutarch], Moralia 327c, says that “all of Macedonia was ablaze<br />

with discontent, <strong>and</strong> was looking to Amyntas <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> sons of Aeropus.”<br />

This is hardly true. Antipater immediately proclaimed Alex<strong>and</strong>er king<br />

(Justin 11.1.7–10), <strong>the</strong> people quickly swore <strong>the</strong>ir loyalty to him (Diod.<br />

17.2.1–2), <strong>and</strong> Alex<strong>and</strong>er embarked on a purge of possible opponents: see<br />

fur<strong>the</strong>r Worthington 2008: 187–89.

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