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Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and Son ... - Historia Antigua

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252 NOTES TO PAGES 46–48<br />

41. See Carney 2006, 181, n. 78 for discussion <strong>and</strong> references on <strong>the</strong><br />

au<strong>the</strong>nticity of this oracular consultation.<br />

42. Whitehead 2000: 228 provides references for <strong>the</strong> common Greek<br />

view that whoever wielded power in an area controlled <strong>the</strong> sanctuaries<br />

in it.<br />

43. See Connelly 2007: 211–13, especially n. 96.<br />

44. According to Justin 9.7.10–11, Olympias appeared at Aegae under<br />

<strong>the</strong> guise of doing her duty at <strong>the</strong> funeral of her husb<strong>and</strong>, cremated <strong>the</strong><br />

remains of <strong>Philip</strong>’s assassin, placed <strong>the</strong>m over <strong>the</strong> tumulus of her husb<strong>and</strong>,<br />

<strong>and</strong> later arranged a tomb for <strong>the</strong> assassin <strong>and</strong> annual sacrifi ce<br />

<strong>the</strong>re. In respect to her conspirator’s corpse, her actions resemble <strong>the</strong> conventional<br />

funerary responsibilities of ordinary Greek women. The “facts”<br />

of Justin’s narrative are implausible— public celebration of <strong>Philip</strong>’s assassin—but<br />

its presumptions are suggestive.<br />

45. On female burials generally, see Carney 2000a: 234–44. On <strong>the</strong><br />

female burial in <strong>the</strong> antechamber of Tomb <strong>II</strong> at Vergina, see Carney 1991b;<br />

on <strong>the</strong> “Tomb of Eurydice” with its gigantic throne, see Andronikos 1994:<br />

154–61. For <strong>the</strong> female archaic burials that are likely royal, see Kottaridi<br />

2004a: 139–48.<br />

46. Hatzopoulos 1982a: 37–42. See also Carney 2006: 181, n.76.<br />

47. Ael. V.H. 8.7; Arr. 7.4.4.4–8; Just. 12.10.9–10.<br />

48. See Carney 2000a: 205 for discussion <strong>and</strong> references.<br />

49. Oakley <strong>and</strong> Sinos 1993: 16 stress <strong>the</strong> importance of <strong>the</strong> bride’s<br />

adornment. Reeder 1995: 168 notes that brides are usually shown with<br />

jewelry <strong>and</strong> says (176) that <strong>the</strong> bride “would have glowed as a precious<br />

jewel herself . . . .”<br />

50. Oakley <strong>and</strong> Sinos 1993: 22. Kuttner 1999: 116 asserts that any<br />

elite marriage was meant to be a spectacle <strong>and</strong> refers to Aetion’s image<br />

of Alex<strong>and</strong>er <strong>and</strong> Roxane’s wedding, a painting intended to be shown at<br />

<strong>the</strong> Olympics (Lucian Herodotus sive Aetion 4–7). Lucian, who claimed<br />

to have seen <strong>the</strong> painting, describes <strong>the</strong> bride as beautiful, but with<br />

downcast eyes <strong>and</strong> wearing a veil that she removed for Alex<strong>and</strong>er.<br />

51. The anakalyptēria: Oakley <strong>and</strong> Sinos 1993: 25 see <strong>the</strong> initial unveiling<br />

as happening in front of <strong>the</strong> wedding guests.<br />

52. See references in Carney 2000a: 203–07.<br />

53. See Borza 1990: 102 <strong>and</strong> Ogden 1999: 274.<br />

54. Hoepfner 1996: 13–15 suggests that <strong>the</strong> double <strong>and</strong>ron pattern<br />

found in <strong>the</strong> palace at Vergina/Aegae, perhaps in private houses at Pella,<br />

<strong>and</strong> else where in Macedonia, may have been intended for separate but<br />

parallel male <strong>and</strong> female symposia (a particularly interesting suggestion<br />

if <strong>the</strong> Vergina palace is <strong>Philip</strong> <strong>II</strong>’s work).<br />

55. Kottaridi 2004a: 140 <strong>and</strong> 2004b: 69; Lilibaki-Akamati 2004: 91.<br />

Their conclusions are based primarily on material remains from burials.

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