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Religious Intolerance in the Later Roman Empire - Bad request ...

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“political clums<strong>in</strong>ess <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> tim<strong>in</strong>g and occasion of <strong>the</strong>se laws” by which <strong>the</strong>y mean<br />

that <strong>the</strong> law would have been debated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Consistory <strong>in</strong> which Flavianus would<br />

have been present. But <strong>in</strong> fact, <strong>the</strong> tim<strong>in</strong>g may have been precisely perfect and may<br />

have suited both Theodosius and <strong>the</strong> pagan establishment of Rome. Enforcement of<br />

this law would have been easier with <strong>the</strong> direct presence of <strong>the</strong> emperor, but issu<strong>in</strong>g it<br />

from Milan, and when <strong>the</strong> Imperial court would have been about to depart over <strong>the</strong><br />

summer for <strong>the</strong> east arguably reduced <strong>the</strong> immediacy of <strong>the</strong> law’s enforcement. That<br />

is not to say that <strong>the</strong> new prohibitions could have been blatantly disregarded <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

totality, but without <strong>the</strong> near physical presence of <strong>the</strong> fount of <strong>the</strong> prohibitions, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

strength may well have been underm<strong>in</strong>ed. 316 This may have been understood by both<br />

Theodosius, and, more importantly, by <strong>the</strong> pagan establishment who were <strong>the</strong> targets<br />

of <strong>the</strong> law.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> prohibition of state blood sacrifices <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ancient capital was<br />

a significant event; hav<strong>in</strong>g discounted <strong>the</strong> reasons provided by K<strong>in</strong>g and Williams and<br />

Friell, only two o<strong>the</strong>r possibilities present <strong>the</strong>mselves: <strong>the</strong> first is that it was a much<br />

delayed rebuke to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Roman</strong> establishment for its support of <strong>the</strong> usurper Maximus; a<br />

delayed response to an arguably understandable ‘mistake.’ 317 Equally, it could have<br />

been designed as a forceful rem<strong>in</strong>der of who was <strong>in</strong> charge of this part of <strong>the</strong> empire,<br />

which had only recently come <strong>in</strong>to Theodosius de facto, but not, it should be<br />

emphasised, de iure, control; <strong>the</strong> lawful ruler rema<strong>in</strong>ed Valent<strong>in</strong>ian II. 318<br />

CTh. 16.10.11 of 16 June 391 extended similar prohibitions to Egypt.<br />

Unusually, it was jo<strong>in</strong>tly addressed to two officials, Evagrius, Augustal Prefect and<br />

316 See Harries (1999) 66 for <strong>the</strong> importance of <strong>the</strong> Imperial presence (albeit virtual <strong>in</strong> this <strong>in</strong>stance).<br />

317 Symmachus had represented <strong>the</strong> Senate for <strong>the</strong> celebrations surround<strong>in</strong>g Maximus’ consulship <strong>in</strong> 388<br />

where he delivered a panegyric to <strong>the</strong> usurper Soc. 5.14.6, Mat<strong>the</strong>ws (1998) 223, see 229-232 for his and<br />

Flavianus’ rehabilitation under Theodosius.<br />

318 Cf Constantius’ CTh 16.10.4 of 1 December 354 order<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> closure of temples; pagan practices had<br />

apparently been allowed dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> usurpation<br />

of Magnentius <strong>in</strong> Rome.<br />

274

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