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Religious Intolerance in the Later Roman Empire - Bad request ...

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CTh 9.16.5 of 4 December 357, which, like CTh 9.16.4 was also addressed to<br />

“<strong>the</strong> People,” was issued <strong>in</strong> Milan and <strong>the</strong>refore it is reasonable to suggest that it was<br />

directed towards <strong>the</strong> West and may have been a fur<strong>the</strong>r response to Magnentius’<br />

usurpation. It was directed aga<strong>in</strong>st necromants, and, like CTh 16.10.5 and 16.10.6 was<br />

short, but also less specific; <strong>the</strong> law reads more like a clerical rant aga<strong>in</strong>st one aspect of<br />

‘fr<strong>in</strong>ge’ religious activity which had always been beyond <strong>the</strong> pale, and <strong>in</strong> contrast to<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r laws issued at this time, it ordered no specific punishment, although it possibly<br />

compensates for this dearth with harsh rhetoric. As such, it appears, superficially at<br />

least, that Constantius was more <strong>in</strong>tolerant of soothsayers, div<strong>in</strong>ers and astrologers (<strong>in</strong><br />

CTh 9.16.4) than of necromants. The law compla<strong>in</strong>ed of “Many persons” who were<br />

“disturb<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> elements by magic arts” and “jeopardize <strong>the</strong> lives of <strong>in</strong>nocent persons<br />

by summon<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> spirits of <strong>the</strong> dead.” This enabled <strong>the</strong>m to destroy <strong>the</strong>ir enemies by<br />

“evil arts.” Although <strong>the</strong> offence is apparently quite clear, <strong>the</strong>re is no correspond<strong>in</strong>gly<br />

clear punishment: <strong>the</strong> law simply prescribes “A deadly curse shall annihilate such<br />

persons s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>y are foreign to nature.” 173<br />

One reason for <strong>the</strong> unwill<strong>in</strong>gness of <strong>the</strong> legislators to prescribe a specific<br />

punishment aga<strong>in</strong>st necromants may have arisen from a longstand<strong>in</strong>g belief that magic<br />

should not be dealt with <strong>in</strong> courts, essentially because <strong>the</strong> accused was potentially a<br />

dangerous person and <strong>the</strong>refore, for reasons of security, he should not be publicly<br />

challenged; hence he should be dealt with from afar and preferably by use of his own<br />

practices, that is through a curse as CTh 9.16.5 effectively does. 174 However, if this was<br />

<strong>the</strong> preferred method of deal<strong>in</strong>g with necromants <strong>in</strong> 357, it was not a method that<br />

appears to have ei<strong>the</strong>r proved last<strong>in</strong>g or which was possibly not widespread. Writ<strong>in</strong>g<br />

of events just two years later dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> treason trials at Scythopolis <strong>in</strong> 359, Ammianus<br />

<strong>in</strong>dicates that necromants, and o<strong>the</strong>rs, were rounded up by <strong>the</strong> notary Paul ‘<strong>the</strong> cha<strong>in</strong>’<br />

173 In full <strong>the</strong> law reads: Multi m agicis artibus ausi elem enta turbare v itas <strong>in</strong> sontium labefactare n on<br />

dubitant et m anibus accitis audent v entilare, ut quisque suos conficiat m alis artibus <strong>in</strong>im icos. Hos, quoniam<br />

naturae peregr<strong>in</strong>i sunt, feralis pestis absum at.<br />

174 See Lib. Declam atio 41.8 <strong>in</strong> Ogden (2002) 291. I am grateful to Daniel Ogden for draw<strong>in</strong>g this passage<br />

to my attention. On necromancy <strong>in</strong> general see Ogden (2002) 179-209 and esp 199-201, 202-206 for<br />

examples of necromancy <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> fourth century.<br />

44

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