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Religious Intolerance in the Later Roman Empire - Bad request ...

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was appo<strong>in</strong>ted Praetorian Prefect by Constantius <strong>in</strong> order to accompany <strong>the</strong> Caesar<br />

Gallus is fur<strong>the</strong>r evidence of <strong>the</strong> trust that Constantius had for him. 118 Ammianus<br />

<strong>in</strong>dicates that Thalassius sent reports back to Constantius on Gallus’ unstable<br />

behaviour. Ammianus does not say whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>se reports were expected by<br />

Constantius or whe<strong>the</strong>r Thalassius simply produced <strong>the</strong>m on his own <strong>in</strong>itiative, but<br />

<strong>the</strong> fact that Ammianus also <strong>in</strong>dicates that Thalassius made no secret (even to Gallus)<br />

of send<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> exaggerated and highly unflatter<strong>in</strong>g reports, is evidence that Thalassius<br />

felt himself to be secure <strong>in</strong> his relations with <strong>the</strong> emperor, even to <strong>the</strong> extent of<br />

criticis<strong>in</strong>g members of his immediate family. 119 It seems unlikely that Thalassius’ belief<br />

would have been unfounded. Despite his Christian background however, and <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that he may have been <strong>in</strong> a position to ask Constantius for almost anyth<strong>in</strong>g he desired,<br />

Thalassius did not feel moved to <strong>the</strong> same levels of anti Semitism as those which<br />

Evagrius had reached <strong>in</strong> his legislation. Indeed Libanius posthumously noted<br />

Thalassius for his mildness. 120 Thalassius <strong>the</strong>refore appears to stand <strong>in</strong> clear dist<strong>in</strong>ction<br />

to Evagrius <strong>in</strong> terms of anti-Semitism and <strong>in</strong>tolerance, as borne out <strong>in</strong> his legislation.<br />

The harshness of <strong>the</strong> law addressed to Evagrius dur<strong>in</strong>g Constantius’ reign,<br />

shown through its comprehensiveness, <strong>in</strong>dicates that Evagrius may fairly be considered<br />

an anti-Semite who was attempt<strong>in</strong>g to ga<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> severest punishments possible aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />

Jews whose behaviour he regarded as wrong. The three laws for which he petitioned<br />

all bear a common concern: that of a threat to Christians, and Christianity as a whole,<br />

from Jewish proselytisers. As well as a desire to see Jewish ‘offenders’ suffer <strong>the</strong><br />

highest penalty. In particular, his concern at forced conversion (of slaves) and <strong>the</strong><br />

manner <strong>in</strong> which he presents <strong>the</strong> conversion of Christian women at <strong>the</strong> weav<strong>in</strong>g<br />

establishment (who <strong>in</strong> his account appear to have had no say <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir conversion to<br />

Judaism, like slaves) may be evidence that he feared Jewish proselytisers were able to<br />

118 Barnes (1992) 251, 255-6;<br />

119 Amm. Marc. 14.1.10, 7.9; Ammianus calls Thalassius “Praetorian Prefect at Court” Thalassius v ero ea<br />

tem pestate praefectus praetorio praesens. Barnes (1998) 129-130 that Thalassius was <strong>the</strong> real power <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

East and that Gallus would be a “mere figurehead.”<br />

120 Lib. Ep. 1404<br />

31

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