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The Modern Interior

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directed and restrained, will become inevitably narrowed and weakened<br />

by it. <strong>The</strong> woman is narrowed by the home and the man is narrowed by<br />

the woman.’ 12 <strong>The</strong> material feminists advocated the introduction of<br />

cooperative housing, kitchenless homes, public kitchens, community<br />

dining clubs, day-care centres for children and communal laundries.<br />

Borrowing ideas from hotels, restaurants and factories they sought to<br />

challenge the idea of the separate spheres and to end women’s isolation<br />

in the home, their dependency on men, and their old-fashioned ‘craft’<br />

approach towards housework. 13 <strong>The</strong>irs was a total rejection of the traditional<br />

domestic ideal. In search of alternative ways of living and bringing<br />

up children they advocated a radical revision not only of the way of life<br />

built around the Victorian concepts of the family and the home but also,<br />

most importantly, of the visual, material and spatial environments which<br />

had both engendered and supported it. 14<br />

Gilman and her co-workers went a significant way towards redefining<br />

the relationship of the private with the public sphere in the name of<br />

radical feminism. <strong>The</strong>y understood the relationship between interior<br />

spaces and the lives that were lived in them and that a radical transformation<br />

of those spaces was the only means of changing those lives. Like<br />

the supporters of scientific management, they were driven less by aesthetics<br />

than by rational thought and an interest in the activities that went<br />

on in the home. <strong>The</strong> means of transforming the status quo advocated by<br />

them were above all practically conceived. Transferring communal eating,<br />

for example, such as might occur in a hotel, a factory canteen or a<br />

hospital, to a site outside the workplace or the institution, would, they<br />

believed, put an immediate end to the isolation of the housewife preparing<br />

food in her kitchen, whether rationally conceived or otherwise.<br />

Similar solutions were offered for childcare and for doing the laundry.<br />

Yet another, this time European, face of the development of the<br />

modern interior – which was also heavily ideologically driven and committed<br />

to the implementation of ideas developed within the rational,<br />

functional, public sphere – emerged as a direct result of the work on<br />

social housing programmes initiated by a number of architects in the<br />

early twentieth century. From then, and into the inter-war years, a number<br />

of <strong>Modern</strong>ist architects drew upon late nineteenth-century ideas and<br />

practices related to public arena interiors as stimuli for their democratically<br />

conceived dwellings and interior spaces. <strong>The</strong>y intended them to<br />

provide ‘minimum existences’ for people who had hitherto been<br />

deprived of that level of comfort in their homes. <strong>The</strong> 1920s saw a number 135

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