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"A Herança das Minas Abandonadas - O Enquadramento e a Situação em Portugal"

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A Herança das Minas Abandonadas 15<br />

Mina de São Domingos - Fábrica de enxofre na Achada do Gamo. (JB)<br />

São Domingos Mine - Installations for sulphur production at Achada do Gamo. (JB)<br />

bar too high by imposing environmental<br />

and social requirements<br />

that are relatively strict and costly<br />

in comparison to other countries’<br />

conditions. Where the industry<br />

is nationalised, it is in the government’s<br />

interest to keep costs<br />

down, sometimes by cutting environmental<br />

and social investment.<br />

• In the absence of strong and effective<br />

regulatory oversight, individual<br />

companies sometimes take<br />

voluntary action to improve their<br />

environmental and social performance.<br />

Society and governments<br />

have done little to reward progressive<br />

actions, and this weakens the<br />

economic case within companies<br />

for continuing to be proactive<br />

and self-regulating. If there is no<br />

financial benefit from being more<br />

responsible, this creates pressure<br />

to use the lowest acceptable<br />

standards of behaviour.<br />

• Mining communities are often<br />

formed or rapidly expanded by immigration<br />

when economic opportunity<br />

is offered, and they shrink or<br />

disappear altogether by emigration<br />

when those opportunities diminish.<br />

These processes do not create<br />

the stability and social cohesion in<br />

communities that can make them<br />

more resilient to socio-economic<br />

change.<br />

• Of those who emigrate, it is the<br />

possessors of high-value transferable<br />

skills who tend to move out<br />

of the region first after the closure<br />

of a mine. This leaves the remaining<br />

community less skilled and<br />

entrepreneurial, and less able to<br />

identify alternative and sustainable<br />

livelihoods.<br />

• In the past, the closure of mines<br />

was accepted as an unavoidable<br />

product of economic conditions or<br />

of the exhaustion of resources, or<br />

both. There was no requirement<br />

for mine operators to plan for closure<br />

or to make financial provision<br />

for the costs of closure. The mine<br />

would only close when it ceased<br />

to make money, so there was little<br />

point in pursuing non-existent<br />

cash flow.<br />

• The shock of mine closure is amplified<br />

by the cyclical nature of the<br />

mining sector. Rapid movements<br />

in mineral commodity prices are<br />

endemic and rarely foreseen accurately,<br />

creating phases of rapid<br />

mine development and expansion<br />

followed by rapid and unexpected<br />

closure and abandonment.<br />

• The resulting cycles of growth and<br />

decline in production are reflected<br />

in tax and royalty payments to<br />

governments, but many governments<br />

fail to invest in local infrastructure<br />

and social capital in the<br />

times of plenty. When revenues dry<br />

up, mining regions are often not<br />

equipped with the physical assets<br />

(roads, railways, housing, utilities)<br />

or social capacity (health, education,<br />

governance) they need to enable<br />

them to develop sustainable<br />

local options after mining.

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